Il y a une demande croissante et une urgence pour améliorer l’efficacité et la capacité des Nations Unies à maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales. La configuration actuelle du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU ne reflète pas les réalités géopolitiques d’aujourd’hui. Pour l’Afrique, en particulier, un continent de 1,4 milliard de personnes, avoir des sièges permanents à part entière au CSNU ne vise pas seulement à corriger une injustice historique, mais c’est aussi une question de légitimité et de crédibilité du Conseil.
Les États-Unis viennent d’annoncer leur soutien à la création de deux sièges permanents pour les États africains au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, mais ils ont exclu l’extension des Droits de Veto aux nouveaux membres permanents.
L’Afrique accepterait-elle cette offre ?
La position commune actuelle de l’Afrique, connue sous le nom de “Consensus d’Ezulwini“, appelle à deux sièges permanents avec toutes les prérogatives et privilèges de la qualité de membre permanent, y compris le droit de veto, et à cinq sièges non permanents.
Le Droit de Veto a historiquement entravé l’efficacité et l’équité du Conseil dans le traitement des questions de paix et de sécurité internationales. L’Afrique est donc, en principe, favorable à son abolition pour renforcer la fonctionnalité du Conseil. Cependant, si les États membres choisissent de maintenir le Veto, il devrait être étendu à tous les nouveaux membres permanents pour des raisons de justice et d’équité. La réforme du Conseil de sécurité devrait alors envisager soit l’absence du Veto pour tous, soit un Veto pour chaque membre permanent.
Il est donc peu probable que le continent accepte la proposition des États-Unis pour deux sièges permanents sans Droits de Veto. Dans le contexte actuel, une adhésion permanente des pays africains au Conseil sans Droit de Veto serait inutile et sans effet. Cela ressemblerait plutôt à un statut de “membres permanents de deuxième classe”. Certains analystes sur le continent le qualifient de statut ” d’observateurs permanents” au Conseil.
Quels pays peuvent représenter l’Afrique au Conseil de Sécurité ?
Malgré le fait que le Consensus d’Ezulwini stipule que l’Union africaine devrait être chargée de sélectionner les représentants de l’Afrique au Conseil, le continent n’a jusqu’à présent pas réussi à établir les critères de choix des deux candidats africains pour les sièges permanents parmi ses 55 États membres.
Les pays africains doivent s’engager dans un dialogue constructif et une collaboration pour établir des objectifs et critères communs pour le choix des représentants qui serviront au mieux les intérêts du continent.
Il serait important de prendre en compte des facteurs tels que la capacité, l’importance géopolitique, l’expérience diplomatique, la représentation régionale, l’engagement à respecter le droit international et les droits de l’homme, et la capacité à jouer efficacement dans ce système global complexe.
Devrait-on pousser les pays avec de vastes populations et/ou de grandes économies et capacités diplomatiques, comme le Nigeria, l’Égypte, l’Algerie, le Maroc, l’Éthiopie ou l’Afrique du Sud ? Devrait-on réserver un siège pour l’organe continental, l’Union africaine ? Sur ce dernier point, la difficulté sera que l’Union africaine est encore un organe purement intergouvernemental sans autorité supranational. Les États membres conservant leur souveraineté entière et leur pouvoir de décision, et l’UA agit uniquement comme un forum de coordination, de coopération et de consultation entre ses États membres. Le continent a un sérieux travail à faire à ce sujet.
Redevabilité
En délibérant sur sa représentation au CSNU, l’Union africaine doit également envisager de mettre en place un mécanisme de redevabilité pour ses représentants au Conseil de Sécurité . Nous savons comment les jeux de pouvoir, l’influence politique et la pression peuvent influencer les décisions et les votes aux Nations Unies. L’histoire récente nous rappelle qu’en 2011, les trois membres africains non permanents du Conseil de sécurité (Gabon, Nigeria, Afrique du Sud) ont soutenu la Résolution 1973 du CSNU, autorisant les actions militaires de l’OTAN en Libye, malgré les efforts continus de l’Union africaine pour trouver une solution pacifique à la crise. La résolution a été présentée par la France, le Royaume-Uni et le Liban.
Modifier la Charte des Nations Unies
Une modification de la Charte des Nations Unies serait nécessaire pour changer la composition du Conseil. L’article 108 de la Charte des Nations Unies dispose qu’une modification nécessite le soutien de tous les cinq membres permanents (P5) et la majorité des deux tiers des États membres de l’ONU à l’Assemblée générale. Ce ne sera certainement pas un processus facile.
Le prochain Sommet de l’Avenir, qui se tiendra en marge de l’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, crée une opportunité supplémentaire pour corriger la gouvernance mondiale et de revitaliser le système multilatéral, y compris une réforme équitable du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU qui prend en compte le besoin urgent de le rendre plus représentatif, inclusif, transparent, efficace, démocratique, crédible et responsable.
There is a growing demand and an urgency to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations’ abilities to maintain international peace and security. The current configuration of the UN Security Council does not reflect today’s geopolitical realities. For Africa, in particular, a continent of 1.4 billion people, having full permanent seats at the UNSC is not just about redressing a historical injustice. It is also a matter of legitimacy and credibility of the Council.
The current African common position, known as the “Ezulwini Consensus,” calls for two permanent seats with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership, including the right of Veto, and five non-permanent seats.
The veto power has historically hindered the Council’s effectiveness and fairness in addressing global peace and security issues, so Africa is, in principle, in favor of its abolition to enhance the Council’s functionality. However, if member states opt to maintain the veto power, it should be extended to all new permanent members for the sake of fairness and justice. The UNSC reform should then consider either no Veto at all or a Veto for every permanent member.
So, it is unlikely that the continent will accept the United States proposal for two permanent seats without veto rights. Considering the current setting, a permanent membership of African countries at the UNSC without Veto Power is meaningless. It will look more like a “second-class” membership status. Some analysts in the continent see this status as a “Permanent Observer Membership” at the Council.
Which countries to represent Africa?
Despite the Ezulwini Consensus stipulating that the African Union should be responsible for selecting Africa’s representatives in the Security Council, the continent has so far been unable to establish the criteria for choosing the two African candidates for permanent seats among its 55 member states.
African countries must engage in constructive dialogue and collaboration to establish common goals and criteria for selecting representatives who will best serve the continent’s interests.
What factors should determine who represents the African continent? This process may involve considering factors such as capacity, geopolitical importance, diplomatic experience, regional representation, commitment to upholding international law and human rights, and the ability to play within this complex global system effectively.
Should the continent push countries with large populations and/or big economies and diplomatic capacity, such as Algeria, Nigeria, Egypt, Morocco, Ethiopia, or South Africa? Should a seat be reserved for the continental body, the African Union? On the latter, the difficulty will be that the African Union is still a purely intergovernmental body with no supranational authority. Member states maintain their sovereignty and decision-making power, and the AU only acts as a forum for coordination, cooperation, and consultation among its member states. The continent has serious homework to do on this.
Accountability
While deliberating on its representation, the African Union may also consider putting in place an accountability mechanism for its representatives at the UNSC. We know how proxy games, political influence, and pressure can impact decisions and votes at the United Nations. Recent history reminds us that in 2011, all three African non-permanent members of the Security Council (Gabon, Nigeria, South Africa) backed UNSC 1973, authorizing NATO’s military actions in Libya despite the African Union’s ongoing efforts to seek a peaceful solution to the crisis. The resolution was tabled by France, the UK, and Lebanon.
Going forwards…
An amendment to the UN Charter would be needed to change the composition of the Council. Article 108 of the UN Charter states that an amendment requires the support of all Permanent Five (P5) members and a two-thirds majority of UN member states in the General Assembly. This will surely not be an easy process.
The upcoming Summit of the Future, to be held on the margins of the UN General Assembly, creates an additional opportunity to correct global governance and reinvigorate the multilateral system, including a fair reform of the UN Security Council that recognizes the urgent need to make it more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, credible, and accountable.
On 10 June 2024, I participated in the Spring Meeting of the Paris Peace Forum hosted by the prestigious Mohamed VI University in Benguerir, Morocco, under the theme “Fair Transition,” with highlights on 1/ climate and development, 2/ agriculture and nutrition, 4/ energy and transition minerals, and 4/ global health. The Forum has brought together governments, universities, research bodies, civil society, and the private sector.
In addition to participating in the general plenary discussions, I spoke alongside global heavyweight experts, politicians, academics, and practitioners at the launch of a new initiative called the Agricultural Transition Lab for African Solution (ATLAS).
ATLAS will advocate for a globally shared vision of a sustainable African agricultural transformation based on a better understanding of African needs, breaking away from North and South divides, and seeing agriculture and climate as partners rather than adversaries.
Here are my key takeaways from various sessions, group discussions, and bilateral engagements during the very packed day of the forum:
A green energy transition that meets the needs of developing countries and is paired with imperatives of poverty reduction.
The transition towards cleaner and more renewable energy sources should balance the well-being of the planet and the development and prosperity of poor people who contribute the least to environmental degradation. To tap into the existing abundant source of green energy, there is a need for heavy global solidarity. International partnerships and cooperation are essential in supporting Africa’s energy transition. By sharing knowledge and expertise, mobilizing financial resources, and fostering technology transfer, the global community can help accelerate the shift towards a more sustainable energy future for all.
Agriculture, food and nutrition
Agriculture and nutrition are indispensable prerequisites for Africa’s development journey.
African food security is key in the face of a rapidly growing population and the ever-growing threat of climate change: 60% of Africans face food insecurity, 61% of the African population lives on wages below $2/day, and 2/3 of arable land is at risk of desertification. There is an imperative to transform Africa’s agricultural sector into a dynamic, modern, and sustainable engine of growth. Agriculture remains the backbone of many African economies, employing a significant portion of the population and contributing substantially to GDP.
Investing in Africa’s agriculture should go beyond just increasing crop yields; it also entails fostering a holistic approach to food security/sovereignty and nutrition. As Africa seeks to chart a course towards sustainable development, it is imperative that agriculture and nutrition remain central to the continent’s agenda. From empowering smallholder farmers and agribusinesses to scaling up nutrition interventions and promoting dietary diversity, the possibilities for transformative change are vast and promising for the continent.
From extractives to wealth creation in Africa
African countries should move from exporting mineral resources to prioritizing value addition and industrialization to capture more of the value from these resources. Africa can boost job creation, foster innovation, and drive economic growth by processing raw materials locally and developing higher value-adding industries. This shift towards industrialization is integral to promoting sustainable development and reducing Africa’s traditional role as a mere supplier of raw materials.
Adding value to natural resources in Africa has the potential to promote entrepreneurship and support small and medium-sized enterprises as engines of economic growth. African governments and development partners should boost initiatives to provide financing, training, and mentorship to entrepreneurs, enabling them to create innovative businesses that contribute to job creation and economic prosperity.
Africa needs to plan a phase-out of ODA.
It is undeniable that Official Development Assistance (ODA) has been instrumental in catalyzing progress. Aid flows have facilitated the building of schools and hospitals, the provision of clean water and sanitation, and the implementation of crucial social welfare programs. However, there are compelling reasons for African nations to consider planning a phase-out of aid dependency.
In the face of ongoing global development, there is growing consensus among experts that a shift towards self-reliance and sustainable development is paramount for Africa’s long-term growth and prosperity. Aid trap will cause the continent to miss out on the numerous existing opportunities to take off. Aid is becoming more and more unpredictable and subject to geopolitical agendas, making it an unreliable and unsustainable source of funding for development projects. This will hinder long-term planning and result in fragmented and short-term solutions that fail to address the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment in Africa.
Phasing out from aid can foster accountability and good governance. When governments are not solely reliant on external donors for funding, they are encouraged to be more transparent and responsive to their citizens’ needs. This shift can lead to more efficient and effective resource use, reducing the risk of corruption and mismanagement that often plague aid-funded projects. Transitioning towards self-reliance can stimulate domestic innovation and entrepreneurship as countries are forced to find locally-driven solutions to their development challenges. This can lead to the creation of sustainable businesses and industries that generate jobs and economic growth, ultimately reducing poverty and improving livelihoods.
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On the road to the upcoming Summit of the Future #SOTF, which will be held in September this year at the United Nations in New York, I was asked to share my thoughts about the role of Africa in the “Pact for the Future” that will be discussed and hopefully adopted at the said global Summit.
The discussion, hosted by the African Union’s ECOSOCC, happened virtually today.
After studying the 20-page zero draft of the Pact for the Future, with its 148 paragraphs, I can say that it is a comprehensive and well-elaborated document. I strongly recommend you read it fully. As it is a zero draft, it is open for input from various stakeholders before the September summit.
From financing sustainable development to international peace and security to science, technology, innovation, and digital cooperation, from the needed improvement of global governance to the urgent reform of the international financial institutions for better and increased resources, the draft of the Pact for the Future seems to be a completed memorandum to fix our world, save People, and save the Planet!
The question I have to answer now is, what should be Africa’s role in all of these?
Here are my 3 key ideas:
1/ First, Africa should have better representation at the Table.
This is critical for a meaningful contribution of the continent, in resolving the global issues mentioned in the draft of the Pact for the Future. Africa continues to be underrepresented in key international institutions and decision-making processes. This lack of representation not only hinders Africa’s ability to shape global policies actively but also perpetuates a cycle of inequality and imbalance in international relations. Africa can indeed play an impactful role in global affairs and can make significant contributions to addressing pressing global issues. Whether it is within international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund or at the UN Security Council, a fairer representation is essential to making things right!
Elevating Africa in global governance is not just a matter of fairness or justice; it should be seen as a strategic imperative for building a more stable, prosperous, and sustainable world for all. By giving space to Africa’s diverse voices and experiences, we can create a more inclusive and equitable global order that reflects the richness and diversity of our planet.
2/ We need to shift the current perspective on Africa’s role. The Continent should be seen as an important part of the solution, not just a warehouse or a reservoir of natural resources.
The continent is bringing demography & human resources. Africa represents 1.4 billion people, which is about 17% of the global population. Most of them are young, intelligent, dynamic, and willing to participate in the development process. This population will rise to 25% by 2050. The continent has a vibrant workforce and is experiencing a surge in innovation and entrepreneurship. By supporting and collaborating with African innovators, the global community can benefit from their transformative solutions.
In addition, Africa would bring wealth and natural resources. Africa is one of the world’s richest geographical regions in terms of its endowment with natural resources, with 60% of the world’s renewable energy assets and more than 30% of the minerals key to renewable and low-carbon technologies. Africa has the largest unused arable land, a heavy green energy potential, and other strategic, critical materials. From its vast mineral deposits to its fertile agricultural lands, the continent has much to offer. With proper management and sustainable practices, Africa’s resources can help address global challenges such as food security, water scarcity, and renewable energy.
One of the key global issues that Africa would greatly help address is climate change. Besides mitigating the impact of climate change, Africa also would contribute significantly to global efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
3/ My 3rd & last point is more about looking inward…Charity needs to start at Home
It would not be enough for the continent to sit at the table; Africa needs to clean its own house and ensure that, we resolve some of the problems that are in our capacity to fix.
We know them:
We call them shared values, and we adopted them at the AU, ECOWAS, SADC, EAC, etc
We call them accountability, peer review
We call them good governance, the rule of law;
We name them solidarity, fair sharing of national resources, and diversity management.
If we work seriously on them, Africa will be more apt/ready to play a meaningful role in the pact.
I would like to conclude by wondering if the simple discussion and adoption of the Pact for the Future will lead us to the promised land…
Whether at the UN, the African Union or the RECs… If only half of the various texts we have adopted have been implemented, I am sure we would have been at a different level…
So, what needs to be different now?
This is a question that you all can propose answers to, during the discussions.
What about a robust accountability mechanism for the realization of these commitments of the Pact for the future?
Published on 19 February 2024. This blog will be updated as more information comes in.
Official decisions of the just-ended African Union Summit will not be available for several weeks as per the practice, but based on intel, comments by delegations, and corridors discussions, here are what seem to be the 7 key outcomes of the Summit held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from the 14th – 18th February 2024.
The theme of the Summit and the year 2024 is: “Educate an African Fit for the 21st Century: Building Resilient Education Systems for Increased Access to Inclusive, lifelong, quality, and Relevant Learning in Africa.”
The Summit adopted a Road Map on the theme devoted to Education and called upon the African Union Commission, AUDA-NEPAD, Regional Economic Communities, United Nations organizations, Development Partners, Civil Society Organizations, the Youth, and all other stakeholders to continue strengthening their support to Member States by facilitating the implementation of the roadmap.
The following issues have actually dominated the discussions at the Summit:
1/Multilateralism &International Governance
Africa at the UN Security Council
The African Union reiteratedthat full representation of Africa in the reformed United Nations Security Council means:
i) Not less than two (02) Permanent seats with all the prerogatives and privileges of Permanent membership, including the right of veto.
ii) Five (05) Non-permanent seats.
iii) The African Union reserves the right to select its representatives for election to the UN Security Council to act in its name and on its behalf.
Proposed Modalities for the Participation of the African Union in the G20 and Preliminary Priorities
At the G20, AU aims to leverage Africa’s position in the world economy as well as contribute to meeting the emerging global challenges
Participation in the Leaders’ Summit:
The Chairperson of the African Union, assisted by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, will represent the African Union (previously decided)
The Chairperson of the Commission to propose positions to the Assembly to be advanced as African Common positions in the G20 Leaders’ Summits.
The Chairperson of the African Union, assisted by the Chairperson of the Commission to debrief the Assembly on the outcomes of the G20 Leaders’ Summits at the February sessions of the Assembly each year.
Participation in Ministerial meetings
The Chairperson of the African Union Executive Council, assisted by the Chairperson of the Commission to represent the African Union in the G20 Meetings of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs.
The Chairpersons of the AU Specialized Technical Committees, assisted by the respective Commissioners, to lead African Delegations to G20 sectoral Ministerial Meetings
The Chairperson of the Specialized Technical Committees (STC) on Finance, Monetary Affairs, Economic Planning, and Integration, assisted by the Commissioner for Economic Development, Trade, Tourism, Industry, and Minerals to attend the meetings of the G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, assisted by the respective Commissioner(s);
The Ministerial Representatives to the G20 to propose draft African common positions through the Specialized Technical Committees for consideration by the Executive Council before it is advanced in the G20 Ministerial meetings and Leaders’ Summits
Sherpa and Sous Sherpa
The Chairperson of the African Union to appoint a Sherpa. As the AU G20 contact point, the Sherpa shall coordinate with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the AU Member States on the positions to be advanced in the various G20 Ministerial, Task Forces and Working Group meetings to ensure that the African Union prepares common positions ahead of each G20 meeting and speaks with one voice in the G20 meetings;
The Chairperson of the Commission to appoint a Sous-Sherpa to: (a)Act as liaison between the Commission and the Chairperson of the Union; (b)Work with and Deputize the Sherpa; (c)Report to the Chairperson of the Union on G20 matters.
South Africa, the only current African permanent member of the G20, will share lessons of experience in the G20 with the African Union.
Africa’s preliminary priorities at the G20 will be as follows: the reform of the international financial architecture, debt restructuring, food security and agriculture, energy transition, trade and investments, improving Africa’s credit rating to boost investment, health, and vaccine manufacturing.
Financing AU participation in the G20
African Development Bank (AfDB) and the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) pledged to provide initial financing for the participation of the African Union in the G20.
Delegation of Power: The Executive Council (Foreign Ministers) will deal with G20 issues on behalf of the Assembly during its July Ordinary Sessions of the Council and, when necessary, convene extraordinary sessions.
2/ Election of the new leadership of the AU Commission (February 2025)
The Summit discussed the principles of inter-and intra-regional rotation following the English Alphabetical order under the decision Ext/Assembly/AU/Dec.1(XI) adopted during the 11th Extraordinary Session in November 2018 on the institutional reform of the Union as well as Article 14 of the revised Statute of the Commission.
If this is implemented, candidacies should besubmitted based on a predictable inter-regional rotation with the allocation of specific portfolio(s) to regions as follows for the next election:
For example, considering the upcoming elections, if this principle is applied, we would have the following conditions for each position:
1. Chairperson of the AUC – Only the Eastern region may submit candidates.
2. Deputy Chairperson – Only the Northern region may submit candidates.
3. Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy, and Sustainable Environment – Only the Southern region may submit candidates.
4. Economic Development, Trade, Industry, and Mining – Only the southern region may submit candidates.
5. Education, Science, Technology, and Innovation – Only the Western region may submit candidates.
6. Infrastructure and Energy – Only the Western region may submit candidates.
7. Political Affairs, Peace & Security – Only the Central region may submit candidates.
8. Health, Humanitarian Affairs, and Social Development – Only the Central region may submit candidates.
At this time, it is unclear whether the AU will go with this principle for the upcoming elections.
3/ Institutional Reform of the African Union: President Kagame steps down, and President Ruto takes over.
Frustrated by what most analysts call the “failure of the AU institutional reform” 6 years after the beginning of the process, President Paul Kagame decided to step down from championing the project. The Summit then appointed President William Ruto of Kenya as the new AU Champion on Institutional Reform. The remaining reform priorities are to be finalized by February 2025.
4/Peace and Security
The following situations have been discussed with no major decisions:
The tension between Ethiopia and Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Burkina Faso, Niger Mali, Gabon, Sierra Leonne, DRC-Rwanda, Central Africa Republic, Lac Chad Basin, and some thematic issues.
5/ The Theme of the year 2025 has been proposed to be: ‘‘Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations’’.
The reparations for transatlantic enslavement, colonialism and apartheid, as a Flagship Issue and Project of the Union. The Commission is to submit a strategic framework document for the implementation of the Accra Proclamation on the same.
6/ Appointments
Chair of the African Union for 2024
Chairperson of the African Union for 2024: Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Cheikh El Ghazouani. Angola is likely to take over in 2025.
Champion of the institutional reform of the AU: President William Ruto of Kenya
Leader in Advancing the Cause of Justice and Payment of Reparations to Africans, enhancing advocacy for a common position on reparations in Africa, and forging a common front for Africa and the Diaspora at the global level: President Nana Akufo-Addo of Ghana
Mr. Wamkele Mene of South Africa was reappointed as Secretary General of the AfCFTA Secretariat for another four years.
10 new members of the Peace and Security Council for a term of 2 years:
1. Democratic Republic of Congo, Central Africa region
2. Equatorial Guinea, Central Africa region
3. Tanzania, Eastern Africa region
4. Uganda, Eastern Africa region
5. Egypt, Northern Africa region
6. Angola, Southern Africa region
7. Botswana, Southern Africa region
8. Côte d’Ivoire, Western Africa region
9. Sierra Leone, Western Africa, region
10. The Gambia, Western Africa region
7/ Calendar
2025 Summit of the AU
Executive Council, 12th and 13th February 2025;
38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, 15th and 16th February 2025
Special Summit to consider the post-Malabo CAADP implementation plan: November 2024
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Watch this space for more updates on Pan-African & African Union matters. Your comments and suggestions are welcome on this site or directly to my email address: desire.assogbavi@assodesire.com or assogbavi@me.com .
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On 9 September 2023, I was having lunch with Professor Tim Murithi at Port Louis International Airport in Mauritius. We were returning from the inauguration meeting of the Brain Trust of African Union’s ECOSOCC, which both of us, along with other pan-African experts, have recently joined….then the news came out from the G20 Meeting happening in India: African Union, the premier continental organization consisting of all the 55 nations that make up Africa, has been admitted as a full member of the G20.
It is a great news, we both said… of course, we were expecting it to happen… My organization, the ONE Campaign, and other partners have been pushing for that over the last few years. Africa’s full membership will surely increase the continent’s visibility and influence on the global stage and provide a platform to advance the common interest of its people and the world.
African Union is now the second intergovernmental body, besides the European Union, to be a full permanent member of the G20 and the first body to join the group since it was formed in 1999. I am not sure if the body will be renamed G21, but the question I am trying to propose some answers to in this article is how the African Union would handle its participation in the Group of the major global economies and play a vital role in advancing the continent’s journey to inclusive and sustainable development to make it the Africa we want.
Later, in February 2024, the African Union Assembly finalized the modalities for the AU’s participation within the Group. As South Africa gears up to take the reins of the G20, African countries must seize this opportunity to drive forward the continental development agenda and advocate for a more just and equitable world. South Africa should leverage its position within the G20 to advocate for fairer global governance and combat economic inequality.
About the G20
The G20 defines itself as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. It plays an important role in shaping and strengthening global architecture and governance on all major international economic issues. G20 members account for about 85% of the global Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 75% of the global trade, and two-thirds of the world’s population. It has 19 countries and one international organization as follows: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Germany, Korea (Republic), Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, UK, USA and the European Union.
India held the G20 presidency from 1 December 2022 to 30 November 2023. Brazil currently holds the Presidency for 2024, and South Africa will have the Presidency for 2025.
Interestingly, three of the 20 largest economies in the world, including Spain, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, are not permanent members of the G20.
So far, the only African country in the G20 is South Africa.
The main objectives of the G20 are to shape and strengthen the global architecture and governance on major international economic issues, including trade, climate change, sustainable development, health, agriculture, energy, environment, tourism, and combating corruption, among others.
According to the Indian presidency, the specific objectives of the G20 are to:
• Promote policy coordination among its members and beyond to advance global economic stability and sustainable growth.
• Promote regulations that reduce risks and prevent future financial crises; and,
• Create a new international financial architecture.
It has been observed that every Presidency of the G20 identifies its priorities, beyond the specific objectives of the body.
To learn more about how the G20 works, click here.
(Photo by Ludovic MARIN / POOL / AFP) (Photo by LUDOVIC MARIN/POOL/AFP via Getty Images)
Africa at the Table, as part of the Solution to Global Issues
First, let us agree that the African Union is not joining the G20 to ask for more aid. The continent aims to contribute to resolving global issues on the table and to do business within a meaningful and mutually beneficial partnership. For this, Africa is bringing vital assets to the ingredients on the table.
Demography: Africa represents 1.4 billion people which is about 17% of the global population, most of which are young, intelligent, dynamic, and willing to take part in the development process. This population will rise to 25% by 2050. The continent has a vibrant workforce and is experiencing a surge in innovation and entrepreneurship, with startups and initiatives emerging in sectors ranging from technology to agriculture. By supporting and collaborating with African innovators, the global community can benefit from their transformative solutions.
Africa needs, however, to harness its demographic dividend by strategically investing in this youthful population in terms of health, education, skill development, and job creation.
Wealth and Natural Resources: Africa is one of the world’s richest geographical regions in terms of endowment with natural resources, with 60% of the world’s renewable energy assets and more than 30% of the minerals key to renewable and low-carbon technologies. Africa has the largest unused arable land, a heavy green energy potential, and other strategic critical materials. From its vast mineral deposits to fertile agricultural lands, the continent has much to offer. With proper management and sustainable practices, Africa’s resources can help address global challenges such as food security, water scarcity, and renewable energy.
Market Potential and Trade Area: The establishment of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the world’s largest market of 55 nations and 1.4 billion people with the prospect of a continental customs and economic union, is obviously a great asset for the world economy and prosperity.
How could the African Union be prepared to contribute effectively to the G20?
Our continental body should address important issues as it prepares to join the G20. These include its representation in the group’s statutory meetings and various working groups, setting continental common policy positions or consensus on the G20’s agenda, and matters to be discussed.
African Union Representation in the G20
In February 2023, during its Heads of State annual Summit, the African Union decided that the current Chairperson, assisted by the Chairperson of the AU Commission, would represent the African Union in the G20 (Assembly/AU/Dec.845 – XXXVI).
However, being a full permanent member of the G20 goes beyond participating in the group’s statutory meetings. There is a need to explore options for how the African Union can be prepared at technical and political levels and constantly follow and participate in the various workstreams of the G20 for meaningful engagements.
How would the annual President of the Union coordinate with the team of the Chairperson of the AU Commission and the AU Development Agency (AUDA-NEPAD) in preparing and participating in the various thematic working groups of the G20 as a permanent member?
The African Union is not a supra-national body.
Unlike certain supranational aspects of the European Union, the African Union is still a purely intergovernmental body with no supranational authority. Member states maintain their sovereignty and decision-making power, and the AU acts as a forum for coordination, cooperation, and consultation among its member states.
Legally speaking, the AU does not have the ability to make binding decisions or enact laws that supersede national legislation without the consent of its member states. That is why the African Union’s membership and participation in the G20 may not be as simple as it looks compared to the European Union. More reflection is then needed on how best the continental body could contribute to this global platform.
Modalities for the Participation of the African Union in the G20 and Preliminary Priorities as decided by the Assembly of the AU in February 2024
At the G20, AU aims to leverage Africa’s position in the world economy as well as contribute to meeting the emerging global challenges
Participation in the Leaders’ Summit:
The Chairperson of the African Union, assisted by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, will represent the African Union (previously decided)
The Chairperson of the Commission to propose positions to the Assembly to be advanced as African Common positions in the G20 Leaders’ Summits.
The Chairperson of the African Union, assisted by the Chairperson of the Commission to debrief the Assembly on the outcomes of the G20 Leaders’ Summits at the February sessions of the Assembly each year.
Participation in Ministerial meetings
The Chairperson of the African Union Executive Council, assisted by the Chairperson of the Commission to represent the African Union in the G20 Meetings of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs.
The Chairpersons of the AU Specialized Technical Committees, assisted by the respective Commissioners, to lead African Delegations to G20 sectoral Ministerial Meetings
The Chairperson of the Specialized Technical Committees (STC) on Finance, Monetary Affairs, Economic Planning, and Integration, assisted by the Commissioner for Economic Development, Trade, Tourism, Industry, and Minerals to attend the meetings of the G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, assisted by the respective Commissioner(s);
The Ministerial Representatives to the G20 to propose draft African common positions through the Specialized Technical Committees for consideration by the Executive Council before it is advanced in the G20 Ministerial meetings and Leaders’ Summits
Sherpa and Sous Sherpa
The Chairperson of the African Union to appoint a Sherpa. As the AU G20 contact point, the Sherpa shall coordinate with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the AU Member States on the positions to be advanced in the various G20 Ministerial, Task Forces and Working Group meetings to ensure that the African Union prepares common positions ahead of each G20 meeting and speaks with one voice in the G20 meetings;
The Chairperson of the Commission to appoint a Sous-Sherpa to: (a)Act as liaison between the Commission and the Chairperson of the Union; (b)Work with and Deputize the Sherpa; (c)Report to the Chairperson of the Union on G20 matters.
South Africa, the only current African permanent member of the G20 and the upcoming Chair for 2025 will share lessons of experience in the G20 with the African Union.
Africa’s preliminary priorities at the G20 will be the reform of the international financial architecture, debt restructuring, food security and agriculture, energy transition, trade and investments, and improving Africa’s credit rating to boost investment, health, and vaccine manufacturing.
Financing AU participation in the G20
African Development Bank (AfDB) and the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) pledged to provide initial financing for the participation of the African Union in the G20.
The Role of South Africa and Special Invitees
As a permanent member of the G20 since 1999, South Africa could support the AU in better understanding the G20 process and dynamics in the early years of the Union’s participation as a permanent member. Other AU members and institutions, such as Egypt, Mauritius, Nigeria, and the AUDA-NEPAD, have also been regularly invited. The continental body should take advantage of their experience and knowledge as well.
A Paramount Priority for the Continent: The Reform of the International Financial Architecture
The priority matter that the African Union can consider taking to the G20 table as soon as possible is the much-needed reform of current international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
The international financial institutions created in 1945 after the Second World War are no longer fit to deal with the current global multiple and interlinked crises. They are increasingly at odds with the reality and needs of the world today.
In addition, the existing architecture has been unable to support the mobilization of stable and long-term resources needed by the continent to achieve its development agendas, forcing most countries to turn to private capital markets with unfair interest rates. At the same time, the continent is robbed daily by Illicit Financial Flows amounting to nearly 90 billion USD per year.
Addressing this issue should be a top priority for the African Union as it begins the formal engagement with the G20, where international solidarity should prevail.
As South Africa gears up to take the reins of the G20, African countries must seize this opportunity to drive forward the continental development agenda and advocate for a more just and equitable world. South Africa should leverage its position within the G20 to advocate for fairer global governance and combat economic inequality.
Some time back, I was the guest of a podcast on President Biden’s Priorities for Africa by the Washington DC-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), then hosted by Judd Devermont (currently Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African Affairs at the White House). My two main points are: 1/ Boost youth employment through agriculture development/modernization, especially #agrifood and, 2/Crack down Illicit financial flows representing more than $89 billion going out of Africa every year illegally. You can listen to the podcast here.
This is the summary of a presentation I made at the seminar on the African Union Reform co-hosted by the Institute for Security Studies and the Government of Kenya in the margins of the African Union Mid-Year Coordination meeting with the Regional Economic Communities in Nairobi, Kenya, on 13th July 2023.
The fundamental reason for the transformation of the Organization of Afrian Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) in the years 2000s is to ensure that the continental body becomes a people-centered institution as opposed to what was known as a club of Heads of State.
One of the seven aspirations of the AU’s Agenda 2063 (aspiration # 6, precisely) is “to build an Africa whose development is people-driven and relies on the potential of African people, especially its women and youth.”
The inclusive economic development that Africa aspires to achieve requires a vibrant civil society, making the necessary contribution to continental efforts through participatory engagements in decision-making.
Active citizens are a fundamental prerequisite for an effective African Union.
At the country level, we know that Citizens’ engagement with their leaders improves the delivery of inclusive, accessible, and responsive public services, such as the provision of healthcare, safe water, quality education, decent jobs, etc.
Because of its closeness to the day-to-day life of the communities, Civil Society has an identity that is distinct from States. In conflict situations, civil society has the vocation to contribute to peace-building initiatives.
Civil society has shown its capacity to organize the collection, analysis, and evaluation of first-hand information, allowing the identification of the sources of potential tensions as well as emerging conflicts.
The characteristics of security issues the African Union addresses today radically differ from those of the previous decades. Today’s conflicts appear to be more complex than ever, and their nature obliges us to change how they resolve them.
While “Traditional” conflicts were well understood by diplomats and specialists in political science, addressing new conflicts adequately requires much more on-the-ground knowledge, new social and cultural analysis skills, the active involvement of communities and their leaders, links to vulnerable groups, and new ways of working. Civil society organizations, most of the time, have unique capacities in those areas.
In the face of the many challenges Africa currently faces, boosting a people-driven development process has never been more urgent. It is the only means for sustainable development and change, which can only happen when African citizens are informed, empowered, and enabled to influence policies and practices and utilize improved mechanisms to hold leaders accountable.
The AU Agenda 2063 recognizes that people’s ownership, support, and mobilization are critical enablers to concretizing Africa’s aspirations.
So, for a prosperous and democratic society, state actors and a well-organized civil society should be seen as the two sides of the same coin because they complement each other.
Civil society is a reservoir of goodwill needed to accelerate national, regional, and continental development.
With all these realities in mind, the ongoing institutional reform of the AU, especially the review of the organs, should deliberately ensure that the new African Union and its organs give adequate space and resources for citizens’ participation at 3 levels:
Policymaking
Policy implementation
Accountability
We know that the African Union has created organs and mechanisms to encourage the contributions of citizens and their formations.
These include but are not limited to the following:
1/ ECOSOCC: The Economic Social and Cultural Council, an organ of the Union
2/ CIDO: The Citizens and Diaspora Organizations division of the AU Commission
3/ Provisions and frameworks organizing the contribution of citizens, their formations, and affected populations within the peace and security and governance frameworks of the Union.
Such provisions and frameworks include the Livingston Formula, the Maseru Conclusion, the African Governance Architecture, and the African Peace and Security Architecture.
4/ A mechanism for the participation of CSOs in the work of the Africa Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights.
5/ A mechanism for the interaction of child-focus organizations with the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC),
6/ The Pan Africa Parliament also aims to provide a platform for people’s representatives from the various member states to contribute to the African Union’s work.
But, over the years, with all that I mentioned, Citizens’ space and participation have not been consistent. It remains informal, ad-hoc, and definitely not at the expected level recommended by the Constitutive Act of the AU.
Here are just a few examples,
1/ It has been difficult for CSOs in African Union Member States to know exactly what it takes to provide input to continental policy debate and get accreditation to do so.
2/ The yearly calendar of policy gatherings of the various organs of the AU is nowhere to be found unless you have a friend within the conference department or a member state representative, or embassy staff.
3/ Physical access to the premises of the AU Commission has been inconsistent and a challenge to CSOs, representatives, and even for those who have established Liaison offices to the Union or have signed an MoU with the Commission.
4/ …and overall observers’ access to AU Summit has been increasingly restricted
I am conscious of the fact that not all existing CSOs’ representatives can be invited to all meetings, but there should be a transparent procedure known by all…
You will agree with me in the conditions I have just described that it is impossible to tap into and take full advantage of the immense resource that CSOs offer for the Africa we want…
However, there are good reasons for us to believe that change and improvement of the current situation are possible and even on the way.
Today’s gathering for this policy debate, co-hosted by ISS and the Government of Kenya, is an example of the necessary interaction between states and non-state actors.
Early this week, hundreds of citizens of the continent and the diaspora gathered under the hospices of ECOSOCC, supported by the Government of Kenya, for policy discussions on various thematic as well as a Citizens’ Forum on Democracy and Digital Governance. I recommend that the Kenya delegation take the outcomes of these discussions to the AU policy space in Addis Ababa and champion them.
ECOSOCC’s New Approach
A critical positive trend that we are also witnessing is the new approach being taken by ECOSOCC with its new leadership over the last few years.
Such a progressive approach is visibly taking the organ back to its originally intended purpose, as a platform for African Civil Society Organizations, in all their variety to contribute to the shaping of the African we want, and no more as a gatekeeper or a filter for CSOs participation in the AU affairs, as it used to be the case since ECOSOCC has been launched.
This trend, already being appreciated by member states and the CSOs community within the continent, should be supported and institutionalized tobe consistent and sustainable.
We also know that a harmonized mechanism for granting consultative and observer status to CSOs in Africa is being prepared to be submitted to the African Union policy organs for adoption soon.
This excellent move will clarify what it takes for a CSO to have a formal relationship with the African Union for interactions, participation, exchange, and knowledge transfer.
With a harmonized Mechanism, the AU, through ECOSOCC, could have and maintain a comprehensive database of CSOs from across the continent and the Diaspora working on the various programs and thematic of the AU. This will facilitate invitations and consultations to contribute to programs or to provide technical advice on the thematic areas CSOs are specialized in.
For this particular process, I would like to submit that such a centralized, general mechanism be as liberal as possible and that thematic departments and organs of the AU be the ones to define specific considerations or a set of rules that may govern their regular interactions with CSOs operating in their specific fields.
I would also like to submit that such a harmonized mechanism recognizes and makes room for the necessary flexibility that characterizes the nature of civil society, especially regarding humanitarian intervention, peacebuilding, and human security.
I would like to conclude my overall contribution by saying that only a reformed African Union that makes meaningful space for citizens’ participation and an agreed accountability mechanism can take us to the 2063 promised land.
Je partage avec vous ici, mon exposé introductif du Dialogue intergénérationnel que nous avions organisé à l’occasion de la Journée de l’Afrique 2023, qui a marqué le 60eme anniversaire de la création de l’organisation de l’Unité Africaine (OUA) en 1963, transformée plus tard pour devenir l’Union Africaine (UA).
Dakar, Sénégal le 27 mai 2023.
Distingués invités,
Chers Champions de ONE,
Mesdames et Messieurs,
Au nom de ONE Campaign et ses partenaires co-organisateurs de cet évènement, je vous remercie d’avoir choisi de vous joindre à ce débat de la journée de l’Afrique 2023 qui marque le 60eme anniversaire de la création de l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine (OUA), transformée en Union Africaine (UA).
ONE est un mouvement mondial, faisant campagne et du plaidoyer pour mettre fin à l’extrême pauvreté et aux maladies évitables, en particulier en Afrique.
Nous croyons que la lutte contre la pauvreté n’est pas une question de charité mais de justice et d’égalité.
Qu’il s’agisse de faire pression sur les dirigeants politiques dans les grandes capitales du monde ou, former les jeunes à la citoyenneté responsable, ou encore pour autonomiser les petits exploitants agricoles, ONE fait pression sur les gouvernements pour qu’ils en fassent davantage pour plus de justice sociale.
Les plus de 7 millions de membres, activistes et supporteurs de ONE sont essentiels à ce travail. Ils viennent de tous les horizons. Ce sont des artistes et des militants, des chefs religieux et des chefs d’entreprise, des étudiants, des scientifiques et des citoyens ordinaires.
Ils agissent jour après jour organisant, mobilisant, éduquant et plaidant pour que les populations aient la chance non seulement de survivre, mais aussi de prospérer.
Nos équipes sont à Washington D.C., New York, Ottawa, Londres, Johannesburg, Abuja, Bruxelles, Berlin, Paris, Addis Abeba, Nairobi et bien sûr Dakar.
Nous sommes apolitiques et non partisans.
Mesdames et Messieurs, La rencontre d’aujourd’hui se situe dans le cadre de la Journée de l’Afrique, qui a été célébrée le 25 mai. C’est en effet le 25 mai 1963, il y a donc 60 ans, que l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine a été créée à Addis Abeba en Éthiopie.
L’OUA a été fondée par les 32 pays qui étaient alors indépendants. Plus tard, les 23 autres nations ont progressivement rejoint le club.
L’OUA était un engagement sans précédent avec pour aspiration la libération politique totale de l’Afrique du colonialisme, l’unité et la solidarité entre ses peuples.
Alors que les principaux objectifs de l’OUA étaient de débarrasser le continent des derniers vestiges de la colonisation et de l’apartheid ainsi que de promouvoir l’unité et la solidarité entre les États africains, la nouvelle Union africaine créée en 2002, vise “une Afrique intégrée, prospère et pacifique, conduite par ses citoyens et représentant une force dynamique sur la scène mondiale“.
La transformation de l’OUA en UA a créé l’espoir pour une plus grande unité et solidarité des pays africains et entre les peuples africains. La volonté de construire une institution centrée sur les citoyens est la principale caractéristique distinctive entre l’Union africaine et l’ancienne Organisation de l’unité africaine, qui était exclusivement axée sur les États.
La journée de l’Afrique devrait être un jour où nous racontons l’histoire de notre continent à nos jeunes générations, l’histoire de nos gloires passées mais aussi les fondements d’un avenir plus radieux.
La Journée de l’Afrique doit aussi être une journée de réengagement envers nos Valeurs Partagées et nos Agendas communs : l’Agenda 2063 de l’UA et l’Agenda 2030 des Nations Unies pour Développement Durable.
L’UA a adopté un ensemble de valeurs partagées centrées sur la démocratie et la bonne gouvernance, l’État de droit et les droits de l’homme, la paix et la sécurité, ainsi que le développement et l’intégration du continent.
La Journée de l’Afrique doit être une journée d’une solidarité africaine renouvelée. Elle doit nous rappeler qu’une partie importante de notre continent est encore, malheureusement dévastée par les conflits injustifiables.
Elle doit nous rappeler que 15 millions de jeunes Africains viennent chaque année sur le marché de l’emploi mais que seulement environ 3 millions d’emplois formels sont créés.
Cette journée doit donc renforcer notre détermination à lutter contre l’extrême pauvreté et toutes les formes d’inégalités et de discriminations en Afrique.
Depuis sa création, l’Union africaine a élevé la barre normative des ambitions de développement socio-économique et démocratique du continent. Mais l’adoption de normes, de traités, de cadres politiques ne suffit pas à elle seule, pour nous mener vers « l’Afrique que nous voulons ». Nous devons tenir nos promesses en mettant effectivement en œuvre ces instruments et en nous tenant régulièrement mutuellement responsables. Il est temps de combler le fossé entre les promesses et la réalité quotidienne de la plupart des citoyens.
On estime à environ 25000 les jeunes Africains qui sont morts ou portés disparus en Mer Méditerranée en tentant de fuir notre continent entre 2014 et 2023. Beaucoup d’autres sont morts dans le désert du Sahara avant même d’atteindre la mer. Pourquoi quittent-ils le continent ?
34 des 54 pays africains sont étiquetés comme « pays les moins avancés », alors que dans le même temps, environ 90 milliards de dollars sortent illégalement du continent par le biais de flux financiers illicites (FFI) selon le rapport Thabo Mbeki.
L’Afrique possèderait plus de 90 % des ressources mondiales en chrome, 85 % de sa platine, 70 % de sa tantalite, 68 % de son cobalt, 54 % de son or, ainsi que d’importantes réserves de pétrole et de gaz. Le continent abrite également des gisements d’uranium, de manganèse, de diamant, de phosphate et de bauxite en très grandes quantités. Il a du bois et d’autres ressources forestières ajoutées à ses vastes terres arables pour l’agriculture.
Aujourd’hui, notre débat tournera autour de la Zone de Libre Échange Continentale Africaine (ZLECAf), et les opportunités qu’elle présente pour la jeunesse en matière d’employabilité.
La ZLECAf, née officiellement en janvier 2021 vise :
L’élimination progressive des tarifs douaniers et des barrières non tarifaires ;
L’amélioration de la coopération dans le domaine des obstacles techniques au commerce et des mesures sanitaires et phytosanitaires ;
Le développement des chaines de valeurs aux niveaux régional et continental
Le renforcement des traits du développement et l’industrialisation de l’Afrique.
54 des 55 États membres de l’Union Africaine ont signé l’accord de la ZLECAf.
La Zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf) pourrait permettre aux pays africains de faire sortir de l’extrême pauvreté 30 millions d’habitants.
L’Afrique pourra enregistrer 450 milliards de dollars de revenu d’ici à 2035, soit une augmentation de 7%.
La mise en œuvre de la ZLECAF permettrait de mener à bien les réformes de fond nécessaires pour stimuler la croissance à long terme dans les pays africains.
Est-ce trop beau pour être vrai ?
Mesdames et messieurs, distingués invités, chers panelistes,
Ce projet est-il trop beau pour être vrai comme se le demandent déjà certains de nos compatriotes Africains ?
Ont-ils des raisons d’y croire ou d’en douter?
Que doivent faire les dirigeants africains pour relever ce défi ?
Avons-nous déjà ce que nous allons échanger au moment où la plupart de nos échanges tournent autour des matières premières et s’effectuent avec le monde extérieur?
Que faire des barrières non tarifaires auxquelles nous faisons face présentement en Afrique ? Les mesures non tarifaires coûteuses, les lacunes en matière d’infrastructures, d’informations sur le marché etc?
Et si les droits de douanes tombent complètement, qu’adviendra-t-il aux petits pays face à ceux qui ont déjà une industrialisation relativement avancée ?
Assodesire 