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“Free Visa” Is Not “Visa-Free”

The forgotten Free Movement Protocol, and the integration Africa owes its People

In recent months, some African governments have announced new “free visa” or “visa free” policies for African travelers. The headlines were enthusiastic. Social media celebrated another victory for Pan-Africanism. Governments presented the measures as evidence of progress toward continental integration. Yet beyond the applause lies an uncomfortable reality: a free visa is not the same as visa-free travel. Not even close. The distinction matters. It is not a technicality. It is not a matter of semantics. It is a question of how seriously Africa is prepared to embrace the free movement of its own people. It is the difference between a policy that changes the architecture of African mobility and one that simply discounts the cost of applying for the same old permission slip. More importantly: both fall short of what Africa already agreed to do in a treaty that the continent has adopted since 2018 and only 4 countries have ratified.

What Is a “Free Visa”?

A free visa means you still need to obtain a visa. You still apply. You still submit documents. You still wait for approval. A government officer still retains the power to deny you entry. The only thing removed is the monetary fee at one step in that process. The bureaucratic relationship between you and that border remains completely unchanged. You are an applicant seeking permission. The other African country is a gatekeeper deciding whether to grant it. The visa requirement, with all its paperwork, waiting time, uncertainty, and power asymmetry, is fully intact.

What Is “Visa-Free”?

Visa-free means no visa is required at all. You present your valid African passport at the port of entry and are admitted, subject to standard border checks, without any prior application, fee, embassy queue, or risk of pre-departure rejection. Your right to enter is treated as a given, not a privilege to be earned.

The difference is not just procedural. It is philosophical: A free visa says: “You may apply to come.” Visa-free says: “You are welcome.”

The case of Ghana

In April 2026, President John Mahama announced a new visa policy for Africans, set to take effect on May 25, 2026 (Africa Day), anchored in a newly introduced national e-Visa platform. The headlines again celebrated. But Ghana’s official was clear about what the policy does and does not do: “Not paying visa fees is not the same as automatic entry into Ghana. There shall be no automatic and unvetted entries.”

African travelers will still be required to submit applications and undergo screening through the new e-Visa system. What changes is the cost, not the controls. This is, by definition, a free visa policy, not a visa-free one. So, to go to Ghana with an African nation’s passport you must complete an e-Visa application online before departure. No fee will be charged. But you must apply, be vetted, and receive approval. Do not arrive without completing the e-Visa process. ECOWAS citizens can still travel to Ghana visa-free.

Given that Ghana hosts the AfCFTA Secretariat in Accra and positions itself as a champion of regional integration, one might have expected a more open and facilitative visa regime, similar to the models adopted by Rwanda and Kenya, which have significantly eased entry requirements for African travelers.

Some of the Countries That Have Done It Well…

As of 2025-2026, the following African countries have visa-free entry policy for all African passport holders:

  • Rwanda: Full visa-free. Any African enters by passport alone. No application, no fee, no prior approval.
  • Kenya: Full visa-free. Any African enters by passport alone. No application, no fee, no prior approval.
  • Benin: Eliminated visa requirements for all Africans.
  • Seychelles: First African country to offer visa-free access to all nationalities.
  • Togo: Visa-free entry for African citizens but online registration of travel required  
  • Congo: Visa-free policy announced on 25th May 2026, Africa Day but the policy is not yet published

The Forgotten Treaty: Africa’s Broken Promise to Itself

On January 29, 2018, the African Union Summit adopted two landmark agreements side by side:

They were adopted together. They were designed together. They are inseparable in logic: you cannot build a continental market if the people who make up that market cannot move freely within it but what happened next tells you everything about political will.

The AfCFTA gathered ratifications quickly. It entered into force in May 2019. Today, 54 of 55 AU member states have signed it. It is nearly operational.

The Free Movement Protocol has been ratified by only 4 countries: Mali, Niger, Rwanda, and São Tomé and Príncipe. The Protocol requires 15 ratifications to enter into force. It remains eleven short.

What the Protocol Actually Promises

The Protocol is not a vague declaration. Article 6(4) states plainly that a national of a Member State permitted to enter another State shall be allowed to move freely or stay for a maximum period of ninety (90) days, without a visa. This is Phase 1: the immediate promise. Phases 2 and 3 progressively add the right of residence and the right of establishment.

  • Phase 1: Right of Entry: Visa-free entry and stays of up to 90 days. Achievable now.
  • Phase 2: Right of Residence: The right to live and seek employment in another Member State.
  • Phase 3: Right of Establishment: The right to set up businesses in any Member State.

Phase 1 alone would be revolutionary. But it requires 15 ratifications to begin. The continent has been stuck at 4 for six years.

How Can You Trade If You Cannot Move?

Africa’s intra-continental trade stands at just 17% of total exports. Europe’s comparable figure is around 60%. The World Bank estimates AfCFTA could increase Africa’s total exports by nearly 29% by 2035 and lift 30 million people out of extreme poverty. But those projections assume the treaty’s logic is followed through, including the free movement that makes trade in services possible.

“As an investor, as someone who wants to make Africa great, I have to apply for 35 different visas on my passport.”: Aliko Dangote.

AfCFTA lowers tariffs on goods. But services trade, finance, technology, logistics, healthcare, education, are built by people who must move. The AfCFTA and the Free Movement Protocol are two wheels of the same vehicle. Africa has chosen to build one wheel and leave the other in the warehouse.

The “Security” Objection Does Not Excuse Inaction

The most common reason governments give for not ratifying the Protocol is security. It is not an illegitimate concern, but it is consistently overstated. Border security and visa requirements are not the same thing. Countries can maintain robust screening, biometric databases, advance passenger information systems, and cross-border security cooperation entirely independent of whether a visa is required in advance.

ECOWAS has operated a free movement protocol among 15 member states since 1979, without evidence that this has destabilized any member economy or compromised security in ways that outweigh the benefits.

The AU’s own Peace and Security Council acknowledged before the Protocol was even adopted that “the benefits of free movement of people, goods and services far outweigh the real and potential security and economic challenges.” If the Peace and Security Council can reach that conclusion, the political reluctance to ratify is not about security. It is about political will.

Stop the Distractions. Ratify the Protocol !

Individual countries announcing visa-free policies deserve credit. But these gestures should not substitute for, or distract from, the legal instrument that would make free movement a continent-wide right rather than a favor dispensed country by country.

11 more ratifications. That is all that stands between the current patchwork of bilateral goodwill and a legally enforceable continental right to enter, stay for up to 90 days, and ultimately live and work across Africa.

Every summit at which African leaders celebrate AfCFTA without accelerating ratification of the Free Movement Protocol is an exercise in deliberate incompleteness. The continent does not lack analysis. It does not lack consensus. It does not lack the legal instrument. It lacks eleven ratifications.

The Africa We Want Already Exists on Paper, We need to make it happen in real life.

The Africa we want, where any African can travel to any African country with nothing more than their passport, stay, build relationships, trade, study, and eventually live and work without bureaucratic obstruction is not a dream. It is a treaty, adopted in Addis on January 29, 2018.

The distinction between “free visa” and “visa-free” is important. The distinction between “visa-free by individual policy” and “visa-free by continental law” is even more important.

If you’d like to receive my articles automatically as soon as they’re published, simply follow this blog using the “Follow” button at the bottom left of this page or send me an email at Desire.Assogbavi@Assodesire.com

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My 7 Takeaways from the IMF/World Bank Spring Gathering 2026

As my flight leaves Washington and turns towards Dakar, I find myself thinking about the strange contrast that defined last week’s Spring Meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group where thousands of participants from around the world: finance ministers, central bank governors, heads of international organizations, development banks, private sector leaders, civil society, think tanks and the media converged.

The world is changing faster than the institutions built to govern it. Wars, debt, inflation, climate shocks, shrinking aid budgets and the scramble for critical minerals are colliding at the same time. For countries in the Global South, and especially for Africa, this is no longer simply a difficult moment. It is a turning point that we cannot afford to miss.

What follows are my 7 main takeaways from a week of meetings, conversations and strategy sessions in Washington DC.

1. The old global model is under unprecedented serious pressure

The 2026 Spring Meetings took place in a world absorbed by renewed instability. The conflict in the Middle East has pushed up oil and fertilizer prices. Global growth projections were revised downward. Developing countries arrived in Washington carrying the burden of successive crises: the pandemic, inflation, debt distress, food insecurity, climate disasters, and now a new energy shock. The message from many countries of the Global Majority was clear: “we are exhausted by living through one global crisis after another, while the international financial system continues to respond too slowly and too cautiously”.

For Africa, the numbers are particularly alarming. The continent is expected to grow by around 4.3 percent this year, faster than many other regions. But ordinary citizens don’t feel it that way in their everyday life. More than twenty African countries remain in or near debt distress. Public debt across the continent exceeds $1.1 trillion. Debt servicing is absorbing an ever-larger share of public revenues, while rising fuel and fertilizer prices are placing new pressure on already stretched budgets. So, the current system is not delivering for people!

2. Africa can no longer come to these meetings simply to ask for help

Perhaps the most important shift I have been observing was psychological: For too long, African delegations have come to the IMF and World Bank meetings primarily to seek support, plead for relief, or react to agendas shaped elsewhere. That mood is changing.

Across the meetings and interactions, I sensed a growing determination among African leaders, diplomats, civil society actors and thinkers that the continent must come to these gathering with a strategy of its own. The continent cannot continue to define itself only through its vulnerabilities, debt, poverty, conflict or climate shocks. Africa must increasingly define itself through its assets, its leverage and its vision, but most importantly start making concrete steps to govern domestic resources differently and to form synergy to act in solidarity because Africa has leverage. The continent sits at the center of the new global economy: critical minerals, energy transition, food systems, strategic shipping routes and the world’s youngest population. Africa must prepare to negotiate from a position of strength.

3. Critical minerals: an Opportunity and a Great Test for Africa

Much of my own week in Washington was spent contributing to convene and shape conversations around critical minerals.

Together with colleagues from the Open Society Foundations and partners at the ONE Campaign we hosted a high-level strategic dialogue that brought together more than forty participants: African ambassadors, government officials, representatives of the African Union, private sector actors, think tanks and civil society. The central reality is unavoidable: the global economy is being reorganized around batteries, semiconductors, electric vehicles, renewable energy and digital technologies. All of these depend on minerals that Africa possesses in abundance.

Africa holds roughly 30 percent of the world’s mineral reserves, including large shares of cobalt, graphite, manganese, platinum and rare earths but the still export raw materials and import finished products. We continue to bear the environmental and social costs of extraction while others capture jobs, technology and wealth. My strongest takeaway is this: Africa must stop negotiating country by country. No individual state, however rich in minerals, can negotiate effectively against major powers and multinational corporations acting in a coordinated way. Africa needs a common continental position, anchored in the African Union’s Green Minerals Strategy and the still highly relevant African Mining Vision.

That should mean:

  • no export of raw minerals without a pathway toward local processing and value addition.
  • stronger regional cooperation around mineral corridors, infrastructure and industrial zones.
  • common tax, royalty and local content standards.
  • transparency and accountability in contracts.
  • and a firm insistence that the green transition must not become another chapter in Africa’s long history of extraction without development.

4. Debt and critical minerals are two sides of the same story

One of the strongest themes that emerged during the week was that critical minerals are not simply a mining issue. They are directly linked to debt, industrial policy, jobs, energy access and Africa’s place in global governance. A country that is desperate for foreign exchange because of debt has less power to negotiate a fair mineral contract. A government forced to spend a large share of its revenues servicing debt has less capacity to invest in roads, electricity, education, skills and processing industries. This is why debt reform and critical mineral diplomacy must be discussed together.

With a public debt now exceeding $1.1 trillion and an  annual external debt service approaching $90 billion, the continent receives only a small share of global climate finance, and more than half of that arrives in the form of more debt. Africa cannot industrialize, process its minerals, or compete in the global economy if it remains trapped in a cycle of debt and extraction. The fight for mineral sovereignty is therefore inseparable from the fight for debt justice.

5. The African Union has a bigger role to play than ever before

One of the most important conversations of the week was a strategic meeting we held with the Commissioner of the African Union responsible for Economic Development, Trade, Industry and Minerals. The discussion confirmed something that is becoming increasingly obvious: Africa can no longer rely only on individual governments to represent the continent’s interests in global economic discussions. We need stronger continental diplomacy. This is particularly important now that the African Union has a permanent seat in the G20. That is a historic achievement. But being in the room is not the same as shaping the outcome. It is time to turn presence into power.

6. Charity Starts from Home: Africa must take responsibility for its own development

It is easy, and often justified, to focus on what is wrong with the international system. African countries borrow at far higher interest rates than countries elsewhere. Climate finance is insufficient. Global institutions remain unequal. International rules continue to favor those who already hold power. But one of my strongest convictions coming out of Washington is that Africa must also be honest about its own responsibilities. No outside actor, whether the IMF, the World Bank, China, Europe, the Gulf states or the United States, will build Africa for Africans.

African governments must improve transparency and accountability, especially on debt and public finance. They must tackle corruption and illicit financial flows. They must invest more seriously in regional integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area. They must strengthen their capacity to negotiate contracts, design industrial policies and implement long-term strategies. Above all, we should stop behaving as if development can be outsourced. Development will come only if African countries make deliberate choices: to cooperate rather than compete against one another; to process and manufacture rather than merely extract; to invest in institutions, skills and technology; and to speak with greater unity in international forums.

7. Moving Forward…

As I leave Washington, tired but hopeful, I carry with me the memory of many conversations: in formal meetings, in the corridors, over hurried coffees and in late-night strategy sessions with colleagues and friends. Africa’s future will not be secured simply by attracting more aid or more loans. It will depend on changing the terms of engagement with the rest of the world. We must move from being a source of raw materials to becoming a center of production.

The continent must build refineries, battery industries, transport corridors, digital infrastructure, universities and technical institutes. It must create a new generation of negotiators, engineers, economists and public servants capable of shaping the future rather than merely reacting to it.

That will not happen overnight, but it can happen if we start implementing all those beautiful, well-thought-out policies and frameworks we have already adopted.

Looking ahead to the next chapters, from the G20 process to the next African Union Ministerial debates, from critical minerals diplomacy to the AfDB Annual Meetings later this year, I am convinced that Africa now faces a more demanding test than simple resilience.

The years ahead will require the continent to preserve macroeconomic credibility, maintain social legitimacy and build states and institutions capable not only of making promises, but of delivering results. Countries that succeed will not simply weather the turbulence of this new era; they will emerge stronger, more sovereign and more influential within it. Those that fail risk remaining trapped in the familiar cycle of crisis, adjustment and missed opportunity.

That, perhaps, is the deepest lesson of the 2026 Spring Meetings.

Prosperity in the years ahead will depend less on rhetoric and more on something far more difficult: a more serious state, a more disciplined policy framework, stronger regional cooperation and a much greater capacity to turn strategy into outcomes. In the end, that combination will matter far more than any slogan.

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At the IMF-World Bank Spring Meetings, Africa Must Show Up Strategically

I am in Washington, D.C. this week alongside my OSF colleagues and partners to participate in the Spring Meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group.

Twice a year, this gathering brings together finance ministers, central bank governors, development institutions, and civil society. It is often described as technical, but these meetings are among the few global spaces where the rules of the international financial system are debated, and, in many ways, shaped.

What happens here determines how countries borrow, how they respond to crises, and whether governments can invest in their people. It influences whether schools are built, hospitals are funded, and jobs are created. In short: what is negotiated in Washington travels directly into everyday life across the Global South.

A World of Shocks and a System Under Stress

This year’s Spring Meetings are taking place under a unifying concern: how to manage volatility and strengthen resilience in a world of compounding shocks.

In her curtain raiser, IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva described a global economy hit by a “large, global, and asymmetric supply shock”, a reminder that instability is no longer episodic, but structural.

The scale of disruption is significant:

  • Global oil supply was reduced by around 13%, with natural gaz flows down by 20%
  • Energy prices surged, with oil jumping from $72 to $120 per barrel at its peak
  • Up to 45 million more people risk falling into food insecurity, bringing the global total above 360 million

These shocks are transmitted through higher inflation, tighter financial conditions, and disrupted supply chains, affecting countries unevenly, depending on their exposure and policy space. The message from the IMF is clear: growth will slow, uncertainty will persist, and policy space will tighten.

Africa at the Intersection of Vulnerability and Opportunity

For Africa, these global dynamics are not abstract, they are immediate and constraining.

  • Public debt across the continent stands at roughly $1.1 trillion
  • More than 20 countries are in or near debt distress
  • Debt servicing absorbs around 15% of government revenues
  • Borrowing costs remain close to 10%, far higher than in advanced economies

At the same time:

  • Over 80% of countries globally are net oil importers, placing many African economies among the most exposed to energy shocks
  • Climate finance remains deeply insufficient, with Africa receiving only about 3% of global flows, much of it as debt

Yet Africa is not only vulnerable, it is central to the future of the global economy.

The continent holds critical minerals essential to the energy transition, represents a rapidly growing share of the global population, and is emerging as a key frontier for industrialization and innovation. This dual reality, high vulnerability and high strategic relevance, defines Africa’s position today.

Why These Meetings Matter More Than Ever

Institutions like the IMF and the World Bank Group shape global economic outcomes. They influence:

  • How debt crises are resolved, …or prolonged
  • The terms and conditions of financing
  • The fiscal space available to governments
  • The global response to development and climate challenges

At a time when the IMF itself projects a downgrade in global growth even under optimistic scenarios, these decisions carry even greater weight.

Africa Must Show Up Differently

In this context, showing up is not enough. Africa must show up strategically. This means engaging not only in formal sessions, but also in shaping the conversations that define outcomes.

Throughout the week, we are contributing to discussions on:

  • The future of multilateralism and industrial policy in a shifting geopolitical landscape
  • Managing volatility and rethinking capital flows in a fragmented global economy
  • Strengthening the voice of borrower countries in global financial governance

These are critical spaces where ideas evolve and coalitions form.

Critical Minerals: From Resource Wealth to Strategic Power

One of the most important conversations this week, and one I am directly engaged in is around critical mineral diplomacy.

Africa holds a significant share of the minerals that power the global energy transition, cobalt, lithium, manganese, and more. Yet historically, the continent has captured only a fraction of the value generated from its resources. To address this, we are convening a closed-door Policy Dialogue on Critical Mineral Diplomacy with African delegations on the margins of the Spring Meetings. This is not just another side event.

It is a strategic space to:

  • Align African positions ahead of global negotiations
  • Share insights on evolving partners’ industrial and supply chain strategies
  • Strengthening negotiating capacity to secure better deals
  • Advance a collective vision for value addition, industrialization, and sovereignty over resources

In a multipolar world, minerals are no longer just commodities, they are instruments of geopolitical leverage. The question is whether Africa will use them as such.

What Must Change

There will be no shortage of declarations this week. But the IMF’s message is unequivocal: the world has a fiscal space problem, and policy choices are becoming more constrained. In this context, incremental change will not suffice.

Three shifts are essential:

  • From slow and fragmented debt restructuring to predictable and fair solutions
  • From expensive capital to affordable, development-oriented financing
  • From fragmented national positions to coordinated African agency

A Moment for Agency

The global economy is being reshaped in real time. Energy systems are shifting. Financial conditions are tightening. Geopolitics is redefining trade and investment. Moments like this determine who sets the rules, and who lives with them.

Africa has resources, the demographic weight and the strategic relevance. What remains is coordinated action.

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Redefining Africa’s Economic Future: Insights from The Ministerial Meeting in Tangier

Last week, I had the opportunity to participate in the 2026 Session of the Conference of African Ministers of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (COM2026) in Tangier, Morocco. Convened under the theme “Growth through innovation: harnessing data and frontier technologies for the economic transformation of Africa,” the conference brought together ministers, central bank governors, African Union leadership, and key development partners at a moment of profound global uncertainty.

Why COM Matters More Than Ever

The Conference of African Ministers of Finance is not just another high-level meeting. It is one of the few spaces where Africa’s economic direction is collectively debated, negotiated, and articulated.

It is where:

  • Narratives around resources, financing, and sovereignty take shape
  • Policy priorities are aligned across countries
  • The continent begins to speak, however imperfectly, with a more unified voice

For those of us working on economic justice, development finance, and governance, showing up in these spaces is not optional. It is essential.

A Clear Shift in Africa’s Economic Thinking

The adopted Ministerial Statement confirms what many of us have been sensing: Africa’s policy conversation is shifting, both in tone and ambition.

First, there is a strong embrace of innovation and technology-driven growth. From digital finance to artificial intelligence, the conversation is no longer about catching up, but about how to leap forward.

Second, there is a growing emphasis on digital and data sovereignty. Control over data, infrastructure, and digital ecosystems is increasingly seen as central to economic independence, not just efficiency.

Third and perhaps most importantly, there is renewed urgency around reforming the global financial architecture. African policymakers are increasingly vocal about the mismatch between global financial rules and the continent’s development needs.

From Extraction to Strategy: The Critical Minerals Moment

One of the most significant shifts is in how Africa is thinking about its natural resources, particularly critical minerals. For decades, the continent has exported raw materials with limited local value creation. That model is now being openly challenged.

Across discussions in Tangier, there was a clear and consistent message:
Africa must move from extraction to value addition, from supply to strategy.

This means:

  • Building regional value chains under the African Continental Free Trade Area
  • Investing in beneficiation and industrialization
  • Using Africa’s resource endowment as negotiating power in a competitive global landscape

The political appetite for this shift is real. But ambition alone will not deliver results.

The Financing Question: The Constraint That Shapes Everything

If there was one issue that cut across every discussion, it was financing.

There is broad consensus that Africa’s transformation, whether in industrialization, digitalization, or climate transition, will not happen without:

  • Expanded fiscal space
  • Better management of debt vulnerabilities
  • Greater transparency and efficiency in public spending
  • Access to innovative and affordable financing mechanisms

In other words, the question is not just what Africa wants to do, but how it will finance it.

A Moment of Political Opportunity, And Risk

One of the most encouraging signal from Tangier was the rising political appetite for a more coordinated African voice.

There is increasing recognition that Africa’s leverage lies in:

  • Its demographic weight
  • Its resource endowment
  • Its market potential

But turning this potential into real influence will require:

  • Stronger coordination among African states
  • Enhanced negotiation capacity
  • Strategic use of platforms and partnerships

This is where the gap remains, and where the opportunity lies.

Corridor Diplomacy

Beyond the plenary sessions, some of the most important work happened in the corridors.

I had the opportunity to engage with several government delegations, including a direct exchange with H.E. Ndaba Gaolathe, Vice President of Botswana as well as delegations from Zambia, Ghana, Angola, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and Guinea-Bissau.

With the Vice President of Botswana, H.E. Ndaba Gaolathe.

These conversations reinforced a shared reality: Countries are increasingly aware of the stakes, but are looking for tools, partnerships, and platforms to act more effectively.

I also engaged with the African Legal Support Facility, a key but often under-recognized actor. Their work, supporting African governments in negotiating contracts and managing debt, is critical, because ultimately, strategy is only as strong as the capacity to negotiate it.

From Tangier to Washington DC and Beyond

The conversations in Tangier do not end there. They are already shaping the next phase of engagement:

  • The WB/IMF Spring Meetings in Washington DC, where we will convene a dialogue on Critical Mineral Diplomacy
  • The AfDB Annual Meetings in Brazzaville, where financing and implementation will take center stage

These are not isolated events. They are part of a continuum.

Conclusion

What Tangier made clear to me is that Africa is at an inflection point. The continent has the resources, the ideas, and increasingly the political will. But the outcome will depend on something more difficult to build: Coordination. Capacity. Strategy.

Africa’s future will not be determined only by what it has, but by how it chooses to organize its power in a changing world, and on that journey, the role of institutions, partnerships, and convening spaces will matter more than ever.

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Why Africa and Latin America Must Shape the Next Chapter of Global Cooperation

My Reflections Ahead of the First Africa-CELAC Forum

As I arrive in Bogota, Colombia to participate in the first High-Level Forum between the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and the African Union, the atmosphere is charged with both urgency and possibilities. This gathering to be held from 18th -21st March 2026 is not simply another diplomatic event on an already crowded global calendar. It is a strategic moment, one that could help redefine how Global South organizes itself to navigate an increasingly fragmented international order.

For decades, Africa and Latin America have engaged the world largely through parallel struggles: debt crises, commodity dependence, structural inequalities, democratic pressures, and climate vulnerability. Today, these shared realities are converging into a common political consciousness, and into a growing recognition that cooperation across the Global South is no longer optional. It is becoming a geopolitical necessity.

A Historic Convergence of Regions

Together, Africa (54 states) and Latin America and the Caribbean (33 states) represent nearly half of United Nations membership, close to 2 billion people, and a combined economic output approaching 10 trillion dollars. If structured and sustained, this inter-regional alignment could become one of the most consequential political and economic coalitions of the 21st century.

The Bogota Forum reflects an emerging understanding across both regions that the rules governing global finance, trade, climate action, and technological transformation are being renegotiated, often without sufficient representation from those most affected. This moment offers an opportunity to shift from fragmented national advocacy toward coordinated regional bargaining power.

As highlighted in the Forum’s preparatory discussions, ambition is not symbolic diplomacy but institutionalized cooperation mechanisms capable of shaping development outcomes and influencing global governance reforms.

Stopping Commodity Dependence to Embrace Economic Transformation

One of the most compelling imperatives for Africa-Latin America cooperation lies in economic transformation. Both regions remain heavily dependent on the export of raw materials, from critical minerals and agricultural commodities to fossil fuels. This structural pattern has constrained industrialization, limited job creation, and exposed economies to volatile global price cycles.

A coordinated approach to value-chain development, including industrial policy alignment, regional investment platforms, and knowledge exchange, could help shift this trajectory.

Latin America’s experience in sectors such as renewable energy and bioeconomy innovation offers lessons for African industrial strategies. At the same time, Africa’s demographic dynamism and expanding continental market under the African Continental Free Trade Area present new opportunities for South-South production partnerships.

By acting together, both regions can move from being price-takers in global markets to becoming rule-shapers in emerging sectors such as green minerals, climate technologies, and digital public infrastructure.

Debt, Climate Finance, and the Politics of Global Rules

Another central pillar of the Bogota dialogue is the urgent need to reform global development finance. Many African and Latin American countries now spend more on debt servicing than on health or education. Climate shocks are compounding fiscal vulnerabilities, even as climate finance flows remain insufficient and unevenly distributed.

In this context, Africa-CELAC cooperation can strengthen collective advocacy for reforms in multilateral development banks, fairer sovereign debt restructuring mechanisms, and expanded access to concessional climate finance. Joint diplomatic positioning could also help accelerate innovations such as regional credit rating agencies, local currency financing instruments, and blended finance platforms designed around development priorities rather than external conditionalities.

If successful, such collaboration would not only unlock resources but also rebalance the power dynamics that shape global economic decision-making.

Reparative Justice and Historical Accountability

Perhaps one of the most transformative dimensions of Africa-Latin America engagement lies in the growing movement for reparative justice. Both regions carry the enduring legacies of colonial extraction, slavery, racial hierarchies, and unequal integration into the global economy. These historical injustices continue to shape present-day development trajectories.

Coordinated diplomatic efforts, including support for initiatives emerging from African Union member states to advance reparations discussions at the United Nations, could elevate the issue from moral aspiration to policy agenda.

Beyond financial compensation, reparative justice must be understood as encompassing technology transfer, fair trade systems, institutional reform, and the restoration of cultural and intellectual agency.

In Bogota, cultural diplomacy and people-centered engagement are playing an important role in grounding these discussions in lived experience rather than abstract geopolitical rhetoric.

People as the Bridge Between Regions

While governments drive formal cooperation frameworks, citizens and their formations and networks remain essential for sustaining momentum beyond summit declarations. Youth movements, research institutions, diaspora organizations, and community leaders are uniquely positioned to translate political commitments into social innovation and policy accountability.

Such engagements will be critical to building durable coalitions capable of navigating future crises, whether related to democratic governance, migration, food security, or digital transformation.

A Forward-Looking Agenda for Global South Cooperation

Looking ahead, the real test of the Bogota Forum will not be the eloquence of its final declaration but the strength of its follow-through. Institutionalizing Africa-CELAC cooperation will require:

  • Establishing permanent inter-regional coordination mechanisms and regular ministerial dialogues.
  • Developing joint investment platforms focused on industrialization, climate resilience, and technology partnerships.
  • Aligning diplomatic strategies in multilateral negotiations on debt, trade, and global governance reform.
  • Strengthening cultural and academic exchanges to deepen mutual understanding and shared identity across the Global South.

If these steps are pursued with ambition and political will, the partnership between Africa and Latin America could become a cornerstone of a more balanced and inclusive global order.

Bogota as a Starting Point, Not an Endpoint

Standing in Bogota at this crucial moment, one senses that history is quietly shifting. The world is entering an era marked by geopolitical competition, institutional uncertainty, and contested norms. In such a context, solidarity among regions that share common developmental challenges, and common aspirations, becomes both a strategic necessity and a moral imperative.

Africa and Latin America have the potential not only to cooperate but to co-create new pathways for prosperity, justice, peace and democratic resilience. The choices made here this week could help determine whether the Global South remains a collection of fragmented voices or emerges as a coherent force capable of shaping the future of global cooperation.

The journey has begun. The responsibility now is to ensure that Bogota becomes remembered not as a symbolic encounter, but as the moment when two regions decided to act together, with purpose, confidence, and a shared vision for a fairer world.

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Confronting Instability in Africa, Rebuilding Agency in a Fractured World.

Why Africa Must Rethink Its Peace Architecture Now ?

Africa’s security landscape is changing faster than the frameworks and institutions designed to manage it.  From the Sahel to the Horn and the Great Lakes, conflicts are becoming more interconnected, driven by governance deficits, geopolitical competition, and transnational threats that traditional responses struggle to address.

In this piece published by Amani Africa, I reflect on why the continent must rethink its peace and security architecture and how the upcoming AU Extraordinary Summit could become a turning point for rebuilding continental agency.

Take a read here: https://amaniafrica-et.org/confronting-instability-in-africa-rebuilding-agency-in-a-fractured-world-why-africa-must-re-think-its-peace-architecture-now/

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My 10 Takeaways from the 2026 African Union Summit

The 39th African Union Summit unfolded at a moment of uncomfortable truths for the continent. Inside the plenary hall and behind closed doors, African Leaders debated conflicts, institutional reform, financial sovereignty, critical minerals, artificial intelligence, and Africa’s place in a fractured global order. The language was ambitious. The tone was urgent.

In the corridors however, one of the most talked-about figures in Addis Ababa was not African. Giorgia Meloni, “guest of honor” arrived to co-host the second Italy-Africa Summit ahead of the AU Summit, and promote Italy’s “Mattei Plan”, framed as cooperation “between equals,” a non-predatory approach, and a strategy to tackle the root causes of migration.

Meanwhile, the continent confronts its own contradictions. Ten military coups since 2020. Suspensions followed by quiet reinstatements. Elections praised despite repression. Expressions of “deep concern” over Sudan, the Sahel, and eastern DRC, but limited enforcement muscle. Angola’s President, outgoing AU Chairperson, warned: “normalizing coup-makers who retake power through elections cannot become standard practice”. Leadership within the Union itself also shifts. The rotational Chair now passes to Burundi for 2026 under the leadership of President Évariste Ndayishimiye.

Can the AU strengthen conflict prevention while selectively enforcing its own rules?
Can it demand equal global partnership while tolerating democratic erosion at home?
Can it negotiate critical minerals, climate finance, and AI governance from a position of sovereignty while financing only a fraction of its own program budget?

In Addis Ababa, Africa was not short of ambition. The real question is whether Africa’s institutions are strong enough, and its current leadership bold and serious enough, to convert strategic importance into strategic power.

Pending the publication of the official decisions, here are my 10 takeaways from a Summit that revealed both Africa’s rising leverage and its persistent institutional fragility.

1. Conflict Prevention at the Center

The decision to convene an Extraordinary Summit on “Strengthening Mechanisms for Conflict Prevention and Resolution in Africa” in Luanda in 2026 signals recognition that Africa’s peace and security architecture needs urgent strengthening.

Importantly, the Summit emphasized that Luanda must deliver concrete, measurable, time-bound outcomes, not another declarative forum. The credibility of the AU now depends on operational follow-through.

2. Institutional Reform: From Diagnosis to Implementation

The reform agenda, championed most recently under the progress report presented by President William Ruto is entering a new phase.

The Summit mandated:

  • Harmonization of the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA).
  • Clearer early warning-early response mechanisms.
  • Legal clarification of AU–REC relations.
  • A strengthened support structure for the Panel of the Wise.

3. “Silencing the Guns” Needs Reinvention

With the flagship programme ending in 2030 while guns are shouting in our continent more than ever, the Summit acknowledged the need to review and adapt the AU Master Roadmap. This is an implicit admission: progress has been weak. A flexible, context-specific, adaptive approach will be required if the slogan is to translate into reality.

4. Financing the Union: unfinished business

The Summit reaffirmed the 0.2% import levy and long-standing commitments to finance the Union internally but here is the uncomfortable truth: Member States currently finance only 24% of the AU programme budget. The remaining is paid by partners.

The Summit discussed and considered

  • Expanding the Peace Fund from USD 400 million to USD 1 billion.
  • Convening an Extraordinary Session of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Finance before November 2026.
  • Continue Advocating for predictable UN financing for AU-led peace operations.

Without financial sovereignty, institutional reform will stall. This remains the most decisive implementation test.

5. Africa’s Geopolitical Reset

The Summit directed the development of a Continental African Foreign Policy Framework rooted in Pan-Africanism, solidarity, and collective security.

This is a strategic move. In a fragmented global order, Africa needs to coordinate its external posture rather than react individually.

6. The G20: A Continental Strategic Platform

The Declaration on Africa’s Engagement with the G20 was one of the most politically significant outcomes.

The AU Summit:

  • Welcomed the outcomes of South Africa’s 2025 G20 Presidency under President Cyril Ramaphosa.
  • Established a Continental Coordination Mechanism on G20 Follow-Through.
  • Endorsed a Continental Framework on Reducing Inequality.
  • Defended South Africa’s full participation in G20 processes under the US Presidency.
  • Called on the United States, as incoming Presidency, to uphold inclusivity.

This was not symbolic. It was Africa collectively defending its seat at the table of global economic governance.

7. Critical Minerals Are Now Explicitly Strategic

The Summit reaffirmed that Africa’s critical minerals are strategic assets for structural transformation.

Leaders requested a Continental Critical Minerals Value Addition Framework focused on:

  • Regional value chains
  • Local beneficiation
  • Environmental, Social, and Governance standards
  • Fair benefit-sharing

This indicate a shift from extraction toward industrialization, at least at policy level.

8. Artificial Intelligence and Digital Infrastructure Are Security Issues

The AU welcomed the AI for Africa Initiative and requested development of an Africa AI and Digital Public Infrastructure Roadmap.

More strikingly, the Summit called for AI-based early warning systems to enhance risk assessment and prevention.

9. Historical Justice in Formal AU Record

The Assembly decided to qualify slavery, deportation and colonization as crimes against humanity and genocide against the peoples of Africa, committing to pursue international recognition. Ghana is planning to table a resolution at the UN General Assembly shortly.

This is politically significant. It anchors reparatory justice within AU formal doctrine and links history to contemporary global negotiations.

10. AU’s Efficiency now framed as a political necessity.

The Summit discussed:

  • Limiting its agenda to three strategic issues, each of these strategic issues shall not have more than two items at each Assembly session
  • Delegating all non-strategic or technical matters as well as operational responsibilities to the Executive Council, with further delegation to the Permanent Representatives’ Committee as appropriate
  • Ensuring that decisions are issued and circulated to Member States within a maximum of seven (10) days following the closure of meetings
  • Advancing restructuring of AU organs.
  • Pushing forward operationalization of the Court of Justice.
  • Accelerating work on division of labour between AU and RECs.

The Real Question Is Implementation

The 39th AU Summit did not lack ambition: Conflict prevention, financing, geopolitical positioning, industrialization, AI, global governance, historical justice, and institutional reform within one meeting.

The real test is not the adoption of the decisions/declarations. It is whether:

  • Financing commitments are met,
  • Peace and Security happen in the continent
  • Shared values are truly shared and observed
  • Reform timelines are respected,
  • Early warning triggers early action,
  • Continental positions are defended consistently in global spaces.

If implementation follows intent, this Summit may be remembered as an historical moment. If not, it risks joining a long list of well-drafted but weakly executed declarations.

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Memorandum to the 39th AU Summit on Human Rights, Justice, Governance and Peace in Africa

As African leaders convene for the 39th AU Summit in Addis Ababa, more than 80 delegates from across Global Africa, representing civil society organizations, youth movements, legal practitioners, policy experts, human rights defenders, academics etc. joined by many others online, have come together to deliver a clear and principled message. In a context marked by persistent human rights violations, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, protracted conflicts, and mounting debt distress, this memorandum calls on Heads of State to move beyond declarations and take concrete decisions to defend constitutional democracy, advance justice and accountability, protect civilians, empower youth, strengthen governance institutions, and ensure responsible stewardship of Africa’s natural resources. Africa cannot credibly demand justice globally while tolerating injustice at home.

MEMORANDUM

To: African Heads of State and Government

From: The Citizens’ Dialogue held in Addis Ababa on 12th February 2026

Date: 14 February 2026

Subject: Memorandum to the 39th AU Summit on Human Rights, Justice, Governance and Peace in Africa

Excellencies,

We, citizens from across the continent and the diaspora meeting in Addis Ababa on 12 February 2026, with the participation of many others online, congratulate you on convening the 39th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union at a defining moment for our continent.

Africa stands at a historic crossroads. The global order is fragmenting. Geopolitical competition is intensifying. Fiscal space is shrinking under mounting debt burdens. Armed conflicts continue to devastate lives from Sudan to the Sahel and Eastern DRC. Democratic norms are under strain, and civic space is narrowing across multiple member states.

Yet this moment also presents opportunity. Africa has secured a permanent seat in the G20. The African Union has launched a Decade of Reparations. The 2026 Theme of the Year, “Water as a Vital Resource for Life, Development and Sustainability,” recognizes the climate-development-security nexus at the heart of our future.

This AU Summit must therefore move beyond declarations. It must deliver decisions that restore credibility, protect sovereignty, and secure dignity for Africa’s people.

The Citizens’ Dialogue on Human Rights, Justice, Governance, and Peace respectfully submits the following urgent messages for your consideration:

1. Defend Constitutional Democracy and Reclaim Civic Space

  • Mandate consistent enforcement of AU democratic norms, including the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
  • Strengthen the independence and operational capacity of the African Commission and African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
  • Protect election observation, media freedom, and civic participation as pillars of stability, not threats to sovereignty.
  • Prioritize electoral governance reform, including independent supervision and financing of elections.
  • Institutionalize regular citizen dialogues and participation mechanisms, including support for innovative digital civic engagement.
  • Establish comprehensive transparency mechanisms covering electoral bodies, political parties, security institutions, and regulators.

2. Move the Reparation Agenda to Implementation

  • Establish a permanent AU Reparations Implementation Mechanism with clear mandates and reporting timelines.
  • Integrate debt justice, climate loss and damage, illicit financial flows, and restitution of cultural heritage into a unified continental reparative framework.
  • Deepen strategic alliances with the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), and the broader Global South to build negotiating coalitions.

3. Confront Debt Distress as a Peace and Sovereignty Issue

  • Collectively push for meaningful reform of the global debt architecture and IMF quota system.
  • Strengthen regional financing mechanisms, development banks, and local currency settlement systems to reduce vulnerability to external shocks.
  • Advance implementation of the Mbeki Report on Illicit Financial Flows.

4. Place Civilian Protection and Accountability at the Center of Peace Efforts

  • Prioritize civilian protection and accountability mechanisms in all peace processes.
  • Harmonize AU, the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and UN tracks to avoid fragmented diplomacy.
  • Ensure inclusive approaches incorporating local communities and civil society.
  • Establish measurable benchmarks, timelines, and performance indicators for peace interventions.

5. Address Youth Exclusion as a Security and Development Priority

  • Prioritize large-scale youth employment and entrepreneurship support.
  • Align education systems with labor market needs.
  • Support local enterprise and domestic private sector growth.
  • Recognize youth as partners in governance and transformation.

6. Confront Structural Drivers of Conflict, Including Rural Neglect

  • Increase investments in rural economies, infrastructure, and enterprise development.
  • Address unequal budget allocations that exclude rural populations.
  • Integrate rural communities into national and continental development strategies.
  • Promote inclusive development that reduces socio-economic inequalities.

7. Strengthen Governance of Critical Minerals and Natural Resources

  • Accelerate adoption and implementation of the Africa Mining Vision.
  • Address governance of critical minerals as both a conflict driver and a potential engine for shared prosperity.
  • Promote regional value chains and local beneficiation.
  • Ensure resource governance supports sustainable development.

8. Protect Africa’s Place in Global Governance

  • Adopt a clear AU solidarity position rejecting politicization of participation in global forums.
  • Strengthen AU coordination ahead of major global moments including G20, UN, and the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COPs) processes.
  • Accelerate reforms increasing Africa’s collective leverage on global financial rules and representation.

9. Restore Credibility of Governance through Peer Review and Accountability

  • Reinforce the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a serious governance instrument.
  • Ensure leadership and credibility standards across AU governance bodies.
  • Ensure transparency in resource allocation and conflict intervention funding.
  • Create stronger follow-through through public benchmarks and periodic progress reporting.

In conclusion, Excellencies,

This Summit is more than an annual convening. It is a test of Africa’s collective credibility.

Your decisions in Addis Ababa will determine whether Africa:

  • Speaks with unity in global governance,
  • Protect human rights at home and defends democratic legitimacy
  • Converts reparative justice into structural transformation,
  • And builds peace rooted in accountability and dignity.

We, citizens of this continent, stand ready to support reform-oriented institutions, civil society partners, and continental processes that strengthen Africa’s sovereignty, justice systems, and democratic future.

The moment demands courage, coherence, and continental solidarity.

Respectfully submitted.

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Sommet de l’UA 2026: les Enjeux pour l’Afrique dans un Monde Fracturé

English version here.

Lorsque les chefs d’État et de gouvernement africains se réuniront à Addis-Abeba les 14 et 15 février 2026 pour la 39ᵉ session ordinaire de la Conférence de l’Union africaine, ils le feront à un moment d’une gravité politique exceptionnelle pour le continent et pour le système international.

Le Sommet se tient dans un contexte de fragmentation mondiale croissante, d’affaiblissement du multilatéralisme, de conflits en expansion, d’aggravation de la crise de la dette et de pressions climatiques accrues. Malgré le thème officiel de l’année consacré à l’eau, la paix et la sécurité devraient constituer le véritable centre de gravité de cette rencontre, tant les conflits persistants, l’instabilité régionale et la fragilité des transitions politiques continuent de dominer la réalité politique africaine.

À travers le continent, la régression démocratique et des droits humains, les élections contestées, la répression de la dissidence et les états d’urgence prolongés mettent à rude épreuve la crédibilité des institutions de gouvernance.

Dans le même temps, l’importance stratégique de l’Afrique, portée par les minéraux critiques, le poids démographique et l’intensification des rivalités géopolitiques, n’a jamais été aussi élevée, accentuant à la fois les pressions externes et les fragmentations internes.

Dans ce contexte, le Sommet de 2026 n’est pas une réunion de routine. Il constitue un test de l’autonomie et l’autodétermination politique collective de l’Afrique, de sa capacité à agir avec unité, et de la pertinence de l’Union africaine en tant que cadre de leadership continental.

Screenshot

L’eau Comme Pouvoir : Climat, Développement et Stabilité Politique

Le thème de l’UA pour 2026, « L’eau, ressource vitale pour la vie, le développement et la durabilité », reflète un choix politique délibéré. L’eau n’est plus abordée comme une question technique ou sectorielle ; elle est désormais reconnue comme un actif stratégique économique, social et sécuritaire.

À travers l’Afrique, le changement climatique se manifeste par des sécheresses prolongées, des inondations catastrophiques, une baisse de la productivité agricole, des tensions hydriques urbaines, une volatilité des prix alimentaires et une augmentation des risques sanitaires. La rareté de l’eau et sa mauvaise gouvernance contribuent déjà à des conflits locaux, à des déplacements forcés et à des tensions transfrontalières, tandis que l’abondance hydrique, lorsqu’elle est mal gérée, peut également alimenter les inégalités et l’accaparation par les élites.

La Commission de l’UA a présenté le thème 2026 comme orienté vers la mise en œuvre, ancré dans l’Agenda 2063, avec un accent particulier sur la sécurité de l’eau, l’adaptation climatique, ainsi que l’eau, l’assainissement et l’hygiène (WASH) en tant que questions de dignité, de santé publique et de légitimité de l’État.

Réparations : d’une Revendication Morale à un Projet politique Institutionnalisé

Parallèlement au thème de l’eau, le Sommet de 2026 fera progresser de manière décisive le thème 2025 de l’UA sur « La justice pour les Africains et les personnes d’ascendance africaine à travers les réparations ».

De manière cruciale, les chefs d’État examineront une étude juridique et politique majeure sur les implications de la qualification de la colonisation comme crime contre l’humanité, et de certains actes liés à l’esclavage, à la déportation et à la violence coloniale comme génocide contre les peuples africains.

Il s’agit d’un tournant historique : le passage d’une reconnaissance symbolique à un cadre juridique, à l’élaboration de normes et à une responsabilité institutionnelle en droit international.

L’Union africaine a déjà commencé à opérationnaliser cet agenda. Des mécanismes d’expertise et de référence juridique ont été mis en place et sont désormais fonctionnels, sous la coordination de la Commission de l’UA. Les partenariats avec la CARICOM, les Nations unies et la société civile se sont renforcés, tandis que le langage des réparations a, pour la première fois, été intégré dans des déclarations intercontinentales formelles.

En étendant l’agenda des réparations à une Décennie 2026-2035, l’Afrique affirme que la justice réparatrice n’est pas une diplomatie ponctuelle, mais un projet politique de long terme, reliant justice de la dette et flux financiers illicites, pertes et dommages climatiques, restitution culturelle et justice narrative, ainsi que la réforme de la gouvernance mondiale et des systèmes financiers.

Le véritable test de crédibilité réside désormais dans le suivi et la mise en œuvre : la capacité de l’UA à transformer l’exigence morale en diplomatie coordonnée, en mandats concrets et en résultats mesurables.

L’Afrique, le G20 et la Politique du Multilatéralisme Conditionnel

Le rôle croissant de l’Afrique dans la gouvernance mondiale sera également scruté de près. L’Assemblée recevra un briefing officiel sur les résultats de la présidence sud-africaine du G20 en 2025, un jalon symbolisant le leadership de l’Afrique dans le principal forum économique mondial.

Cependant, ces avancées font face à la controverse entourant la décision du président Trump de ne pas inviter l’Afrique du Sud au Sommet des dirigeants du G20 de 2026, soulevant de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à un multilatéralisme sélectif et politiquement conditionnel.

Cet épisode dépasse largement le cas sud-africain. Il constitue un test de la solidarité africaine et un signal d’alerte : si la participation africaine à la gouvernance mondiale devient conditionnée à des alignements politiques imposés par les puissances dominantes, alors la place de l’Afrique à la table mondiale demeure précaire.

La réponse de l’Union africaine, ou son silence, façonnera sa crédibilité collective, non seulement au sein du G20, mais aussi dans les débats plus larges sur la réforme du multilatéralisme.

Paix et Sécurité : le Centre de Gravité Politique du Sommet

La paix et la sécurité resteront le centre de gravité politique du Sommet. Les conflits en cours au Soudan, dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo, au Sahel et en Libye continuent d’infliger des souffrances massives aux populations civiles, tout en révélant les limites des médiations fragmentées, des réponses militarisées et des solutions sécuritaires externalisées.

L’Assemblée examinera le rapport annuel du Conseil de paix et de sécurité (CPS), et une réunion du CPS au niveau des chefs d’État pendant la semaine du Sommet est probable, une reconnaissance implicite de la gravité du moment.

L’UA se trouve ici face à un dilemme ancien mais urgent : l’écart entre des cadres normatifs solides et une application faible et incohérente. Le véritable enjeu sera de savoir si l’Union peut promouvoir des solutions politiques africaines, privilégier la protection des civils et la redevabilité plutôt que de simples arrangements de stabilité, et soutenir des processus de paix inclusifs, plaçant les femmes, les jeunes et les communautés affectées au cœur des solutions.

L’accession du Président du Burundi à la présidence de l’Union africaine pour 2026 jouera un rôle déterminant dans l’orientation de ces débats. Les attentes sont fortes: le Président de l’UA devra non seulement agir comme bâtisseur de ponts entre régions et sensibilités politiques, mais aussi défendre et projeter la place déterminante de l’Afrique sur la scène internationale, affirmer les positions continentales, résister aux pressions extérieures et garantir que l’Afrique engage ses partenaires internationaux à partir d’une position d’unité et de confiance stratégique.

Le Président burundais Évariste Ndayishimiye prépare activement son mandat. Il inscrira certainement son mandat dans une logique de normalisation diplomatique, d’affirmation politique et d’engagement sur les dossiers sécuritaires majeurs du continent avec une attention particulière aux crises des Grands Lacs et du Sahel.  Fort de son expérience récente à la tête de la Communauté d’Afrique de l’Est et du COMESA, ainsi que son rôle actuel d’envoyé spécial de l’UA pour le Sahel, le Président aurait commencé à structurer une équipe dédiée à Addis-Abeba, appuyée par un dispositif interministériel à Bujumbura.

Conclusion

Le Sommet de 2026 constitue un moment charnière pour le projet continental africain. Il mettra à l’épreuve la capacité de l’Union africaine à répondre à des crises entremêlées : droits humains, recul démocratique, conflits armés, avec cohérence, unité et courage politique.

J’espère également que les dirigeants africains sauront saisir cette occasion comme un moment rare de réflexion stratégique lucide sur l’ouragan géopolitique qui bouleverse le monde, et sur ce qu’il exige collectivement de l’Afrique. L’érosion du multilatéralisme, l’application sélective du droit international, l’intensification des rivalités entre grandes puissances et la nouvelle course vers les ressources africaines ne sont pas des forces lointaines : elles réduisent déjà l’espace politique du continent et exacerbent ses divisions internes.

Ce Sommet offre l’opportunité non seulement de diagnostiquer ces mutations, mais aussi de s’accorder sur des positions communes, des lignes rouges et des stratégies collectives capables de renforcer la solidarité africaine, de protéger la souveraineté et d’accroître le levier politique du continent. Sans une telle coordination délibérée, les États continueront d’absorber seuls les chocs mondiaux, tandis que l’Afrique, dans son ensemble, risque d’être façonnée par des décisions prises ailleurs plutôt que d’agir comme une force cohérente dans un monde en turbulence.

En définitive, le Sommet ne devrait pas se limiter aux décisions et déclarations adoptées à huis clos. Les citoyens africains attendent de voir si la principale institution multilatérale du continent est capable de transformer l’ambition en action, la clarté morale en levier politique, et les principes en changements durables.

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AU Summit 2026: What Is at Stake for Africa in a Fractured World

La version en Français ici

When African Heads of State and Government convene in Addis Ababa on 14-15 February 2026 for the 39th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, they will do so at a moment of exceptional political gravity for the continent and the international system.

The Summit comes against a backdrop of intensifying global fragmentation, shrinking multilateralism, escalating conflicts, deepening debt distress, and growing climate stress. Despite the official Theme of the Year on water, peace and security is likely to sit at the center of gravity of this gathering, as escalating conflicts, regional instability, and fragile political transitions continue to dominate Africa’s political reality.

 Across Africa, democratic and Human Rights regression, contested elections, repression of dissent, and prolonged states of emergency are testing the credibility of governance institutions.

At the same time, Africa’s strategic importance, driven by critical minerals, demographic weight, and geopolitical competition has never been higher, increasing both external pressure and internal fragmentation.

In this context, the 2026 Summit is not just a routine gathering. It is a test of Africa’s collective political agency, its capacity to act with unity, and the relevance of the African Union as a forum for continental leadership.

Water as Power: Climate, Development, and Political Stability

The AU Theme of the Year 2026, “Water as a Vital Resource for Life, Development and Sustainability”, reflects a deliberate political choice. Water is no longer treated as a technical or sectoral issue; it is increasingly understood as a strategic economic, social, and security asset.

Across Africa, climate change is manifesting through prolonged droughts, catastrophic floods, declining agricultural productivity, urban water stress, food price volatility, and heightened public health risks. Water scarcity and mismanagement are already contributing to local conflicts, forced displacement, and cross-border tensions, while water abundance, when poorly governed, can also fuel inequality and elite capture.

The AU Commission has framed the 2026 theme as delivery-oriented, anchored in Agenda 2063, with a focus on water security, climate adaptation, WASH and sanitation as questions of dignity, public health, and state legitimacy.

Reparations: From Moral Claim to Institutionalized Political Project

Alongside the 2026 water theme, the Summit will decisively advance the AU’s 2025 Theme on “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations.”

Crucially, Heads of State will consider a landmark legal and political study examining the implications of defining colonization as a crime against humanity and characterizing certain acts of slavery, deportation, and colonial violence as genocide against African peoples.

This marks a historic shift from symbolic recognition to legal framing, norm-setting, and institutional responsibility under international law.

The AU has already taken some steps to operationalize this agenda. Dedicated expert and legal reference mechanisms have been established and are now functional, coordinated by the AU Commission through system-wide structures. Partnerships with CARICOM, the United Nations, and civil society have deepened, while reparations language has, for the first time, entered formal intercontinental declarations.

By extending the reparations agenda into a 2026-2035 Decade, Africa is signaling that reparatory justice is not an episodic diplomacy, but a long-term political project linking debt justice and illicit financial flows, climate loss and damage, cultural restitution and narrative justice, reform of global governance and financial systems.

The credibility test now lies in follow-through: whether the AU can translate moral authority into coordinated diplomacy, concrete mandates, and measurable outcomes.

Africa, the G20, and the Politics of Conditional Multilateralism

Africa’s growing role in global governance will also be under close scrutiny. The Assembly will receive a formal briefing on the outcomes of South Africa’s 2025 G20 Presidency, a milestone that symbolized Africa’s leadership into the world’s most powerful economic forum, the G20.

Yet this progress now faces controversy around President Trump’s decision not to invite South Africa to the 2026 G20 Leaders’ Summit., raising concerns about selective multilateralism and political conditionality.

This episode is bigger than South Africa. It is a test of African solidarity and a warning signal: if African participation in global governance is contingent on political alignment with powerful states, then Africa’s seat at the table remains precarious.

How the AU responds, or remains silent, will shape its collective credibility, not only within the G20 but across broader multilateral reform debates.

Peace and security: the Summit’s Political Gravity Center

Peace and security will remain the Summit’s political gravity center. Ongoing conflicts in Sudan, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, the Sahel, and Libya continue to inflict devastating civilian harm while exposing the limits of fragmented mediation, militarized responses, and externalized security solutions.

The Assembly will consider the Peace and Security Council’s annual report, and a Heads-of-State-level PSC engagement during Summit week is likely, an acknowledgment of the severity of the moment.

Here, the AU confronts a familiar but urgent dilemma: the gap between strong normative frameworks and weak, inconsistent enforcement. The real test will be whether the AU can advance and African-led political solutions rather than outsourced mediation; civilian protection and accountability over narrow stability fixes; and an inclusive peace process that center women, youth, and affected communities.

The assumption of the AU Chairmanship by the Burundian’s President for 2026 will shape the tone of this engagement, with expectations that the Chair will not only act as a bridge-builder across regional and political divides, but also defend and project Africa’s collective agency on the global stage, asserting continental positions, resisting external pressure, and ensuring that Africa engages international partners from a position of unity and strategic confidence.

Burundian President Évariste Ndayishimiye is actively preparing for his term. His mandate will likely be anchored in a strategy of diplomatic normalization, political assertion, and engagement on the continent’s major security files, with particular attention to the crises in the Great Lakes region and the Sahel. Drawing on his recent experience as Chair of the East African Community and COMESA, as well as his current role as the AU’s Special Envoy for the Sahel, President Ndayishimiye is reported to have begun structuring a dedicated team in Addis Ababa, supported by an interministerial coordination mechanism in Bujumbura.

Conclusion

The 2026 Summit is an important moment for Africa’s continental project. It will test whether the African Union can effectively respond to intersecting crises human rights, democratic backsliding, armed conflict etc with coherence, unity, and political courage.

I also hope that African leaders will seize this Summit as a rare moment for frank, strategic reflection on the geopolitical hurricane reshaping the world, and on what it demands of Africa collectively. The erosion of multilateralism, the selective application of international law, intensifying great-power competition, and a renewed scramble for African resources are not distant forces; they are already constraining Africa’s policy space and exposing divisions across the continent. This gathering offers an opportunity not only to diagnose these shifts, but to agree on shared positions, red lines, and collective strategies that strengthen African solidarity, protect sovereignty, and enhance Africa’s leverage. Without such deliberate coordination, individual states will continue to absorb global shocks alone while the continent as a whole, risk being shaped by decisions made elsewhere rather than acting as a coherent force in a turbulent world.

Overall, the Summit should not be just about decisions and declarations adopted in closed sessions. African citizens are waiting to see whether the Africa’s premier multilateral institution can convert ambition into actions, moral clarity into leverage, and principles into durable political change.