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On the road to the upcoming Summit of the Future #SOTF, which will be held in September this year at the United Nations in New York, I was asked to share my thoughts about the role of Africa in the “Pact for the Future” that will be discussed and hopefully adopted at the said global Summit.
The discussion, hosted by the African Union’s ECOSOCC, happened virtually today.
After studying the 20-page zero draft of the Pact for the Future, with its 148 paragraphs, I can say that it is a comprehensive and well-elaborated document. I strongly recommend you read it fully. As it is a zero draft, it is open for input from various stakeholders before the September summit.
From financing sustainable development to international peace and security to science, technology, innovation, and digital cooperation, from the needed improvement of global governance to the urgent reform of the international financial institutions for better and increased resources, the draft of the Pact for the Future seems to be a completed memorandum to fix our world, save People, and save the Planet!
The question I have to answer now is, what should be Africa’s role in all of these?
Here are my 3 key ideas:
1/ First, Africa should have better representation at the Table.
This is critical for a meaningful contribution of the continent, in resolving the global issues mentioned in the draft of the Pact for the Future. Africa continues to be underrepresented in key international institutions and decision-making processes. This lack of representation not only hinders Africa’s ability to shape global policies actively but also perpetuates a cycle of inequality and imbalance in international relations. Africa can indeed play an impactful role in global affairs and can make significant contributions to addressing pressing global issues. Whether it is within international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund or at the UN Security Council, a fairer representation is essential to making things right!
Elevating Africa in global governance is not just a matter of fairness or justice; it should be seen as a strategic imperative for building a more stable, prosperous, and sustainable world for all. By giving space to Africa’s diverse voices and experiences, we can create a more inclusive and equitable global order that reflects the richness and diversity of our planet.
2/ We need to shift the current perspective on Africa’s role. The Continent should be seen as an important part of the solution, not just a warehouse or a reservoir of natural resources.
The continent is bringing demography & human resources. Africa represents 1.4 billion people, which is about 17% of the global population. Most of them are young, intelligent, dynamic, and willing to participate in the development process. This population will rise to 25% by 2050. The continent has a vibrant workforce and is experiencing a surge in innovation and entrepreneurship. By supporting and collaborating with African innovators, the global community can benefit from their transformative solutions.
In addition, Africa would bring wealth and natural resources. Africa is one of the world’s richest geographical regions in terms of its endowment with natural resources, with 60% of the world’s renewable energy assets and more than 30% of the minerals key to renewable and low-carbon technologies. Africa has the largest unused arable land, a heavy green energy potential, and other strategic, critical materials. From its vast mineral deposits to its fertile agricultural lands, the continent has much to offer. With proper management and sustainable practices, Africa’s resources can help address global challenges such as food security, water scarcity, and renewable energy.
One of the key global issues that Africa would greatly help address is climate change. Besides mitigating the impact of climate change, Africa also would contribute significantly to global efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
3/ My 3rd & last point is more about looking inward…Charity needs to start at Home
It would not be enough for the continent to sit at the table; Africa needs to clean its own house and ensure that, we resolve some of the problems that are in our capacity to fix.
We know them:
If we work seriously on them, Africa will be more apt/ready to play a meaningful role in the pact.
I would like to conclude by wondering if the simple discussion and adoption of the Pact for the Future will lead us to the promised land…
Whether at the UN, the African Union or the RECs… If only half of the various texts we have adopted have been implemented, I am sure we would have been at a different level…
So, what needs to be different now?
This is a question that you all can propose answers to, during the discussions.
What about a robust accountability mechanism for the realization of these commitments of the Pact for the future?
What could be the form of such a mechanism?
I thank you for your attention!
Published on 19 February 2024. This blog will be updated as more information comes in.
Official decisions of the just-ended African Union Summit will not be available for several weeks as per the practice, but based on intel, comments by delegations, and corridors discussions, here are what seem to be the 7 key outcomes of the Summit held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from the 14th – 18th February 2024.
The theme of the Summit and the year 2024 is: “Educate an African Fit for the 21st Century: Building Resilient Education Systems for Increased Access to Inclusive, lifelong, quality, and Relevant Learning in Africa.”
The Summit adopted a Road Map on the theme devoted to Education and called upon the African Union Commission, AUDA-NEPAD, Regional Economic Communities, United Nations organizations, Development Partners, Civil Society Organizations, the Youth, and all other stakeholders to continue strengthening their support to Member States by facilitating the implementation of the roadmap.
The following issues have actually dominated the discussions at the Summit:
1/ Multilateralism & International Governance
Africa at the UN Security Council
The African Union reiterated that full representation of Africa in the reformed United Nations Security Council means:
Proposed Modalities for the Participation of the African Union in the G20 and Preliminary Priorities
At the G20, AU aims to leverage Africa’s position in the world economy as well as contribute to meeting the emerging global challenges
Participation in the Leaders’ Summit:
Participation in Ministerial meetings
Sherpa and Sous Sherpa
South Africa, the only current African permanent member of the G20, will share lessons of experience in the G20 with the African Union.
Africa’s preliminary priorities at the G20 will be as follows: the reform of the international financial architecture, debt restructuring, food security and agriculture, energy transition, trade and investments, improving Africa’s credit rating to boost investment, health, and vaccine manufacturing.
Financing AU participation in the G20
African Development Bank (AfDB) and the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) pledged to provide initial financing for the participation of the African Union in the G20.
Delegation of Power: The Executive Council (Foreign Ministers) will deal with G20 issues on behalf of the Assembly during its July Ordinary Sessions of the Council and, when necessary, convene extraordinary sessions.
2/ Election of the new leadership of the AU Commission (February 2025)
The Summit discussed the principles of inter-and intra-regional rotation following the English Alphabetical order under the decision Ext/Assembly/AU/Dec.1(XI) adopted during the 11th Extraordinary Session in November 2018 on the institutional reform of the Union as well as Article 14 of the revised Statute of the Commission.
If this is implemented, candidacies should be submitted based on a predictable inter-regional rotation with the allocation of specific portfolio(s) to regions as follows for the next election:
For example, considering the upcoming elections, if this principle is applied, we would have the following conditions for each position:
1. Chairperson of the AUC – Only the Eastern region may submit candidates.
2. Deputy Chairperson – Only the Northern region may submit candidates.
3. Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy, and Sustainable Environment – Only the Southern region may submit candidates.
4. Economic Development, Trade, Industry, and Mining – Only the southern region may submit candidates.
5. Education, Science, Technology, and Innovation – Only the Western region may submit candidates.
6. Infrastructure and Energy – Only the Western region may submit candidates.
7. Political Affairs, Peace & Security – Only the Central region may submit candidates.
8. Health, Humanitarian Affairs, and Social Development – Only the Central region may submit candidates.
At this time, it is unclear whether the AU will go with this principle for the upcoming elections.
3/ Institutional Reform of the African Union: President Kagame steps down, and President Ruto takes over.
Frustrated by what most analysts call the “failure of the AU institutional reform” 6 years after the beginning of the process, President Paul Kagame decided to step down from championing the project. The Summit then appointed President William Ruto of Kenya as the new AU Champion on Institutional Reform. The remaining reform priorities are to be finalized by February 2025.
4/Peace and Security
The following situations have been discussed with no major decisions:
The tension between Ethiopia and Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Burkina Faso, Niger Mali, Gabon, Sierra Leonne, DRC-Rwanda, Central Africa Republic, Lac Chad Basin, and some thematic issues.
5/ The Theme of the year 2025 has been proposed to be: ‘‘Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations’’.
The reparations for transatlantic enslavement, colonialism and apartheid, as a Flagship Issue and Project of the Union. The Commission is to submit a strategic framework document for the implementation of the Accra Proclamation on the same.
6/ Appointments
10 new members of the Peace and Security Council for a term of 2 years:
1. Democratic Republic of Congo, Central Africa region
2. Equatorial Guinea, Central Africa region
3. Tanzania, Eastern Africa region
4. Uganda, Eastern Africa region
5. Egypt, Northern Africa region
6. Angola, Southern Africa region
7. Botswana, Southern Africa region
8. Côte d’Ivoire, Western Africa region
9. Sierra Leone, Western Africa, region
10. The Gambia, Western Africa region
7/ Calendar
2025 Summit of the AU
Special Summit to consider the post-Malabo CAADP implementation plan: November 2024
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Watch this space for more updates on Pan-African & African Union matters. Your comments and suggestions are welcome on this site or directly to my email address: desire.assogbavi@assodesire.com or assogbavi@me.com .
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On 9 September 2023, I was having lunch with Professor Tim Murithi at Port Louis International Airport in Mauritius. We were returning from the inauguration meeting of the Brain Trust of African Union’s ECOSOCC, which both of us, along with other pan-African experts, have recently joined….then the news came out from the G20 Meeting happening in India: African Union, the premier continental organization consisting of all the 55 nations that make up Africa, has been admitted as a full member of the G20.
It is great news, we both said… of course, we were expecting it to happen… My organization, the ONE Campaign, and other partners have been pushing for that over the last few years. Africa’s full membership will surely increase the continent’s visibility and influence on the global stage and provide a platform to advance the common interest of its people.
African Union is now the second intergovernmental body, besides the European Union, to be a full permanent member of the G20 and the first body to join the group since it was formed in 1999. I am not sure if the body will be renamed G21, but the question I am trying to propose some answers to in this blog is how the African Union would handle its participation in the Group of the major global economies and play a vital role in advancing the continent’s journey to inclusive and sustainable development to make it the Africa we want.
About the G20
The G20 defines itself as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. It plays an important role in shaping and strengthening global architecture and governance on all major international economic issues. G20 members account for about 85% of the global Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 75% of the global trade, and two-thirds of the world’s population. It has 19 countries and one international organization as follows: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Germany, Korea (Republic), Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, UK, USA and the European Union.
India holds the Presidency of the G20 from 1 December 2022 to 30 November 2023.
Interestingly, 3 of the 20 largest economies of the world, including Spain, The Netherlands, and Switzerland, are not permanent members of the G20.
So far, the only African country in the G20 is South Africa.
The main objectives of the G20 are to shape and strengthen the global architecture and governance on major international economic issues, including trade, climate change, sustainable development, health, agriculture, energy, environment, tourism, and, combating corruption, among others.
According to the Indian presidency, the specific objectives of the G20 are to:
• Promote policy coordination among its members and beyond to advance global economic stability and sustainable growth.
• Promote regulations that reduce risks and prevent future financial crises; and,
• Create a new international financial architecture.
It has been observed that every Presidency of the G20 identifies its priorities, beyond the specific objectives of the body.
To learn more about how the G20 works, click here.
Africa at the Table, as part of the Solution to Global Issues
First, let us agree that the African Union is not joining the G20 to ask for more aid. The continent aims to contribute to resolving global issues on the table and to do business within a meaningful, mutually beneficial, and fair partnership. For this, Africa is bringing vital assets to the ingredients on the table.
Demography: Africa represents 1.4 billion people which is about 17% of the global population, most of which are young, intelligent, dynamic, and willing to take part in the development process. This population will rise to 25% by 2050. The continent has a vibrant workforce and is experiencing a surge in innovation and entrepreneurship, with startups and initiatives emerging in sectors ranging from technology to agriculture. By supporting and collaborating with African innovators, the global community can benefit from their transformative solutions.
Africa needs, however, to harness its demographic dividend by strategically investing in this youthful population in terms of health, education, skill development, and job creation.
Wealth and Natural Resources: Africa is one of the world’s richest geographical regions in terms of endowment with natural resources, with 60% of the world’s renewable energy assets and more than 30% of the minerals key to renewable and low-carbon technologies. Africa has the largest unused arable land, a heavy green energy potential, and other strategic critical materials. From its vast mineral deposits to fertile agricultural lands, the continent has much to offer. With proper management and sustainable practices, Africa’s resources can help address global challenges such as food security, water scarcity, and renewable energy.
Market Potential and Trade Area: The establishment of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the world’s largest market of 55 nations and 1.4 billion people with the prospect of a continental customs and economic union, is obviously a great asset for the world economy and prosperity.
How could the African Union be prepared to contribute effectively to the G20?
Our continental body should address important issues as it prepares to join the Group. These include its representation in the group’s statutory meetings and various working groups and the issue of setting continental common policy positions or consensus on the G20’s agenda and matters to be discussed.
African Union Representation in the G20
In February 2023, during its Heads of State annual Summit, the African Union decided that the current Chairperson of the Union, assisted by the Chairperson of the AU Commission, shall represent the African Union in the G20 (Assembly/AU/Dec.845 – XXXVI).
However, being a full permanent member of G20 goes beyond participating in the group’s statutory meetings. There is a need to explore options by which the African Union gets prepared at technical and political levels and constantly follows and participates in the various workstreams of the G20 for meaningful engagement.
How would the annual President of the Union coordinate with the team of the Chairperson of the AU Commission and the AU Development Agency (AUDA-NEPAD) in preparing and participating in the various thematic working groups of the G20 as a permanent member?
The African Union is not a supra-national body.
Unlike certain supranational aspects of the European Union, the African Union is still a purely intergovernmental body with no supranational authority. Member states maintain their sovereignty and decision-making power, and the AU acts as a forum for coordination, cooperation, and consultation among its member states.
Legally speaking, the AU does not have the ability to make binding decisions or enact laws that supersede national legislation without the consent of its member states. That is why the African Union’s membership and participation in the G20 may not be as simple as it looks compared to the European Union.
It is not clear where the G20 agenda matters will currently be discussed within the current policy structure of the African Union. A decision may need to be adopted quickly on this. The upcoming February 2024 Summit is an excellent opportunity to do so.
The following are some of the options that the AU could look at in terms of technical structure to ensure effective participation follow-up and continuity as a permanent member of the G20:
At the level of the Permanent Representative Committee (PRC), which is the group of Ambassadors representing all AU member states at the African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa.
Here, G20 matters could be handled by the existing PRC Sub-Committee on Economic and Trade Matters, the PRC Sub-Committee on Multilateral Cooperation, the Subcommittee on AUDA-NEPAD, or a specific subcommittee to be created for G20 matters. Because of the specific decision-making process of the G20, I would favor the latter, but deliberate tight coordination with the existing structures will be necessary.
During my 12 years of interaction with the African Union organs under different hats in Addis Ababa, I noted that many representation missions to the African Union do not have the technical capacities to handle various issues in the G20 mandate. There is then a need to envisage the participation of experts from the capital and other decentralized organs not based in Addis Ababa because, as part of the G20 decision-making process, Working Groups comprising experts and officials from relevant ministries lead in-depth analysis and discussions on a range of internationally relevant issues in respective areas of focus.
Ministerial/Specialized Technical Committee Levels
Within the AU decision-making process, ministers should adopt all policy positions during thematic Specialized Technical Committees before they go to the Executive Council (Ministers of Foreign Affairs) and/or Heads of State for final approval as decisions, policy orientations, or Common African Positions. In the framework of the AU’s participation in the G20, arrangements must be made to establish a shortcut to allow quicker and proactive decision-making so that the African Union side does not miss any opportunity to impact the G20 processes.
Presidential Level
The annual rotative president of the Union should not bring his/her own national team into the game. He/She should only rely on the African Union technical and political teams.
G20 should now become a recurrent and permanent item of the AU annual Summit agenda, where Heads of state give general orientation agenda items and pan-African priorities.
The Role of South Africa and Special Invitees
As a permanent member of the G20 since 1999, South Africa could support the AU in better understanding the G20 process and dynamics in the early years of the Union’s participation as a permanent member. Other AU members and institutions, such as Egypt, Mauritius, Nigeria, and the AUDA-NEPAD, have also been regularly invited. The continental body should take advantage of their experience and knowledge as well.
A Paramount Priority for the Continent: The Reform of the International Financial Architecture
The priority matter that the African Union can consider taking to the G20 table as soon as possible is the much-needed reform of current international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
The international financial institutions created in 1945, after the Second World War are now failing to deal with current global multiple and interlinked crises. They are increasingly becoming at odds with the reality and needs of the world today, therefore, unfit for purpose.
In addition, the existing architecture has been unable to support the mobilization of stable and long-term resources needed by the continent to achieve its development agendas, forcing most countries to turn to private capital markets with unfair interest rates.
At the same time, the continent is robbed on a daily basis with Illicit Financial Flows amounting to about 90 billion USD per year, most of which land in many G20 countries by various means.
Dealing with such injustice should be one of the priorities of the African Union as it prepares to become a permanent member of the G20.
Your comments and suggestions are also welcome on this site or directly to my email address: Desire.Assogbavi@assodesire.com or Assogbavi@me.com .
Watch this space for more updates on Pan-African & African Union matters.
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Some time back, I was the guest of a podcast on President Biden’s Priorities for Africa by the Washington DC-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), then hosted by Judd Devermont (currently Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African Affairs at the White House).
My two main points are:
1/ Boost youth employment through agriculture development/modernization, especially #agrifood and,
2/Crack down Illicit financial flows representing more than $89 billion going out of Africa every year illegally.
You can listen to the podcast here.
This is the summary of a presentation I made at the seminar on the African Union Reform co-hosted by the Institute for Security Studies and the Government of Kenya in the margins of the African Union Mid-Year Coordination meeting with the Regional Economic Communities in Nairobi, Kenya, on 13th July 2023.
The fundamental reason for the transformation of the Organization of Afrian Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) in the years 2000s is to ensure that the continental body becomes a people-centered institution as opposed to what was known as a club of Heads of State.
One of the seven aspirations of the AU’s Agenda 2063 (aspiration # 6, precisely) is “to build an Africa whose development is people-driven and relies on the potential of African people, especially its women and youth.”
The inclusive economic development that Africa aspires to achieve requires a vibrant civil society, making the necessary contribution to continental efforts through participatory engagements in decision-making.
Active citizens are a fundamental prerequisite for an effective African Union.
At the country level, we know that Citizens’ engagement with their leaders improves the delivery of inclusive, accessible, and responsive public services, such as the provision of healthcare, safe water, quality education, decent jobs, etc.
Because of its closeness to the day-to-day life of the communities, Civil Society has an identity that is distinct from States. In conflict situations, civil society has the vocation to contribute to peace-building initiatives.
Civil society has shown its capacity to organize the collection, analysis, and evaluation of first-hand information, allowing the identification of the sources of potential tensions as well as emerging conflicts.
The characteristics of security issues the African Union addresses today radically differ from those of the previous decades. Today’s conflicts appear to be more complex than ever, and their nature obliges us to change how they resolve them.
While “Traditional” conflicts were well understood by diplomats and specialists in political science, addressing new conflicts adequately requires much more on-the-ground knowledge, new social and cultural analysis skills, the active involvement of communities and their leaders, links to vulnerable groups, and new ways of working. Civil society organizations, most of the time, have unique capacities in those areas.
In the face of the many challenges Africa currently faces, boosting a people-driven development process has never been more urgent. It is the only means for sustainable development and change, which can only happen when African citizens are informed, empowered, and enabled to influence policies and practices and utilize improved mechanisms to hold leaders accountable.
The AU Agenda 2063 recognizes that people’s ownership, support, and mobilization are critical enablers to concretizing Africa’s aspirations.
So, for a prosperous and democratic society, state actors and a well-organized civil society should be seen as the two sides of the same coin because they complement each other.
Civil society is a reservoir of goodwill needed to accelerate national, regional, and continental development.
With all these realities in mind, the ongoing institutional reform of the AU, especially the review of the organs, should deliberately ensure that the new African Union and its organs give adequate space and resources for citizens’ participation at 3 levels:
We know that the African Union has created organs and mechanisms to encourage the contributions of citizens and their formations.
These include but are not limited to the following:
1/ ECOSOCC: The Economic Social and Cultural Council, an organ of the Union
2/ CIDO: The Citizens and Diaspora Organizations division of the AU Commission
3/ Provisions and frameworks organizing the contribution of citizens, their formations, and affected populations within the peace and security and governance frameworks of the Union.
Such provisions and frameworks include the Livingston Formula, the Maseru Conclusion, the African Governance Architecture, and the African Peace and Security Architecture.
4/ A mechanism for the participation of CSOs in the work of the Africa Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights.
5/ A mechanism for the interaction of child-focus organizations with the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC),
6/ The Pan Africa Parliament also aims to provide a platform for people’s representatives from the various member states to contribute to the African Union’s work.
But, over the years, with all that I mentioned, Citizens’ space and participation have not been consistent. It remains informal, ad-hoc, and definitely not at the expected level recommended by the Constitutive Act of the AU.
Here are just a few examples,
1/ It has been difficult for CSOs in African Union Member States to know exactly what it takes to provide input to continental policy debate and get accreditation to do so.
2/ The yearly calendar of policy gatherings of the various organs of the AU is nowhere to be found unless you have a friend within the conference department or a member state representative, or embassy staff.
3/ Physical access to the premises of the AU Commission has been inconsistent and a challenge to CSOs, representatives, and even for those who have established Liaison offices to the Union or have signed an MoU with the Commission.
4/ …and overall observers’ access to AU Summit has been increasingly restricted
I am conscious of the fact that not all existing CSOs’ representatives can be invited to all meetings, but there should be a transparent procedure known by all…
You will agree with me in the conditions I have just described that it is impossible to tap into and take full advantage of the immense resource that CSOs offer for the Africa we want…
However, there are good reasons for us to believe that change and improvement of the current situation are possible and even on the way.
Today’s gathering for this policy debate, co-hosted by ISS and the Government of Kenya, is an example of the necessary interaction between states and non-state actors.
Early this week, hundreds of citizens of the continent and the diaspora gathered under the hospices of ECOSOCC, supported by the Government of Kenya, for policy discussions on various thematic as well as a Citizens’ Forum on Democracy and Digital Governance. I recommend that the Kenya delegation take the outcomes of these discussions to the AU policy space in Addis Ababa and champion them.
ECOSOCC’s New Approach
A critical positive trend that we are also witnessing is the new approach being taken by ECOSOCC with its new leadership over the last few years.
Such a progressive approach is visibly taking the organ back to its originally intended purpose, as a platform for African Civil Society Organizations, in all their variety to contribute to the shaping of the African we want, and no more as a gatekeeper or a filter for CSOs participation in the AU affairs, as it used to be the case since ECOSOCC has been launched.
This trend, already being appreciated by member states and the CSOs community within the continent, should be supported and institutionalized to be consistent and sustainable.
We also know that a harmonized mechanism for granting consultative and observer status to CSOs in Africa is being prepared to be submitted to the African Union policy organs for adoption soon.
This excellent move will clarify what it takes for a CSO to have a formal relationship with the African Union for interactions, participation, exchange, and knowledge transfer.
With a harmonized Mechanism, the AU, through ECOSOCC, could have and maintain a comprehensive database of CSOs from across the continent and the Diaspora working on the various programs and thematic of the AU. This will facilitate invitations and consultations to contribute to programs or to provide technical advice on the thematic areas CSOs are specialized in.
For this particular process, I would like to submit that such a centralized, general mechanism be as liberal as possible and that thematic departments and organs of the AU be the ones to define specific considerations or a set of rules that may govern their regular interactions with CSOs operating in their specific fields.
I would also like to submit that such a harmonized mechanism recognizes and makes room for the necessary flexibility that characterizes the nature of civil society, especially regarding humanitarian intervention, peacebuilding, and human security.
I would like to conclude my overall contribution by saying that only a reformed African Union that makes meaningful space for citizens’ participation and an agreed accountability mechanism can take us to the 2063 promised land.
I thank you.
Chers lecteurs,
Je partage avec vous ici, mon exposé introductif du Dialogue intergénérationnel que nous avions organisé à l’occasion de la Journée de l’Afrique 2023, qui a marqué le 60eme anniversaire de la création de l’organisation de l’Unité Africaine (OUA) en 1963, transformée plus tard pour devenir l’Union Africaine (UA).
Dakar, Sénégal le 27 mai 2023.
Distingués invités,
Chers Champions de ONE,
Mesdames et Messieurs,
Au nom de ONE Campaign et ses partenaires co-organisateurs de cet évènement, je vous remercie d’avoir choisi de vous joindre à ce débat de la journée de l’Afrique 2023 qui marque le 60eme anniversaire de la création de l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine (OUA), transformée en Union Africaine (UA).
ONE est un mouvement mondial, faisant campagne et du plaidoyer pour mettre fin à l’extrême pauvreté et aux maladies évitables, en particulier en Afrique.
Nous croyons que la lutte contre la pauvreté n’est pas une question de charité mais de justice et d’égalité.
Qu’il s’agisse de faire pression sur les dirigeants politiques dans les grandes capitales du monde ou, former les jeunes à la citoyenneté responsable, ou encore pour autonomiser les petits exploitants agricoles, ONE fait pression sur les gouvernements pour qu’ils en fassent davantage pour plus de justice sociale.
Les plus de 7 millions de membres, activistes et supporteurs de ONE sont essentiels à ce travail. Ils viennent de tous les horizons. Ce sont des artistes et des militants, des chefs religieux et des chefs d’entreprise, des étudiants, des scientifiques et des citoyens ordinaires.
Ils agissent jour après jour organisant, mobilisant, éduquant et plaidant pour que les populations aient la chance non seulement de survivre, mais aussi de prospérer.
Nos équipes sont à Washington D.C., New York, Ottawa, Londres, Johannesburg, Abuja, Bruxelles, Berlin, Paris, Addis Abeba, Nairobi et bien sûr Dakar.
Nous sommes apolitiques et non partisans.
Mesdames et Messieurs, La rencontre d’aujourd’hui se situe dans le cadre de la Journée de l’Afrique, qui a été célébrée le 25 mai. C’est en effet le 25 mai 1963, il y a donc 60 ans, que l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine a été créée à Addis Abeba en Éthiopie.
L’OUA a été fondée par les 32 pays qui étaient alors indépendants. Plus tard, les 23 autres nations ont progressivement rejoint le club.
L’OUA était un engagement sans précédent avec pour aspiration la libération politique totale de l’Afrique du colonialisme, l’unité et la solidarité entre ses peuples.
Alors que les principaux objectifs de l’OUA étaient de débarrasser le continent des derniers vestiges de la colonisation et de l’apartheid ainsi que de promouvoir l’unité et la solidarité entre les États africains, la nouvelle Union africaine créée en 2002, vise “une Afrique intégrée, prospère et pacifique, conduite par ses citoyens et représentant une force dynamique sur la scène mondiale“.
La transformation de l’OUA en UA a créé l’espoir pour une plus grande unité et solidarité des pays africains et entre les peuples africains. La volonté de construire une institution centrée sur les citoyens est la principale caractéristique distinctive entre l’Union africaine et l’ancienne Organisation de l’unité africaine, qui était exclusivement axée sur les États.
La journée de l’Afrique devrait être un jour où nous racontons l’histoire de notre continent à nos jeunes générations, l’histoire de nos gloires passées mais aussi les fondements d’un avenir plus radieux.
La Journée de l’Afrique doit aussi être une journée de réengagement envers nos Valeurs Partagées et nos Agendas communs : l’Agenda 2063 de l’UA et l’Agenda 2030 des Nations Unies pour Développement Durable.
L’UA a adopté un ensemble de valeurs partagées centrées sur la démocratie et la bonne gouvernance, l’État de droit et les droits de l’homme, la paix et la sécurité, ainsi que le développement et l’intégration du continent.
La Journée de l’Afrique doit être une journée d’une solidarité africaine renouvelée. Elle doit nous rappeler qu’une partie importante de notre continent est encore, malheureusement dévastée par les conflits injustifiables.
Elle doit nous rappeler que 15 millions de jeunes Africains viennent chaque année sur le marché de l’emploi mais que seulement environ 3 millions d’emplois formels sont créés.
Cette journée doit donc renforcer notre détermination à lutter contre l’extrême pauvreté et toutes les formes d’inégalités et de discriminations en Afrique.
Depuis sa création, l’Union africaine a élevé la barre normative des ambitions de développement socio-économique et démocratique du continent. Mais l’adoption de normes, de traités, de cadres politiques ne suffit pas à elle seule, pour nous mener vers « l’Afrique que nous voulons ». Nous devons tenir nos promesses en mettant effectivement en œuvre ces instruments et en nous tenant régulièrement mutuellement responsables. Il est temps de combler le fossé entre les promesses et la réalité quotidienne de la plupart des citoyens.
On estime à environ 25000 les jeunes Africains qui sont morts ou portés disparus en Mer Méditerranée en tentant de fuir notre continent entre 2014 et 2023. Beaucoup d’autres sont morts dans le désert du Sahara avant même d’atteindre la mer. Pourquoi quittent-ils le continent ?
34 des 54 pays africains sont étiquetés comme « pays les moins avancés », alors que dans le même temps, environ 90 milliards de dollars sortent illégalement du continent par le biais de flux financiers illicites (FFI) selon le rapport Thabo Mbeki.
L’Afrique possèderait plus de 90 % des ressources mondiales en chrome, 85 % de sa platine, 70 % de sa tantalite, 68 % de son cobalt, 54 % de son or, ainsi que d’importantes réserves de pétrole et de gaz. Le continent abrite également des gisements d’uranium, de manganèse, de diamant, de phosphate et de bauxite en très grandes quantités. Il a du bois et d’autres ressources forestières ajoutées à ses vastes terres arables pour l’agriculture.
Aujourd’hui, notre débat tournera autour de la Zone de Libre Échange Continentale Africaine (ZLECAf), et les opportunités qu’elle présente pour la jeunesse en matière d’employabilité.
La ZLECAf, née officiellement en janvier 2021 vise :
54 des 55 États membres de l’Union Africaine ont signé l’accord de la ZLECAf.
46 pays l’ont ratifié mais, a ce jour, seuls 4 États ont ratifié le traité sur la libre circulation des personnes et des biens.
La Zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf) pourrait permettre aux pays africains de faire sortir de l’extrême pauvreté 30 millions d’habitants.
L’Afrique pourra enregistrer 450 milliards de dollars de revenu d’ici à 2035, soit une augmentation de 7%.
La mise en œuvre de la ZLECAF permettrait de mener à bien les réformes de fond nécessaires pour stimuler la croissance à long terme dans les pays africains.
Est-ce trop beau pour être vrai ?
Mesdames et messieurs, distingués invités, chers panelistes,
Ce projet est-il trop beau pour être vrai comme se le demandent déjà certains de nos compatriotes Africains ?
Ont-ils des raisons d’y croire ou d’en douter?
Que doivent faire les dirigeants africains pour relever ce défi ?
Avons-nous déjà ce que nous allons échanger au moment où la plupart de nos échanges tournent autour des matières premières et s’effectuent avec le monde extérieur?
Que faire des barrières non tarifaires auxquelles nous faisons face présentement en Afrique ? Les mesures non tarifaires coûteuses, les lacunes en matière d’infrastructures, d’informations sur le marché etc?
Et si les droits de douanes tombent complètement, qu’adviendra-t-il aux petits pays face à ceux qui ont déjà une industrialisation relativement avancée ?
Pourquoi nos pays trainent -ils le pas pour ratifier le traité sur la libre circulation des personnes et des biens, qui fait partie du paquet des accords devant faciliter la mise en œuvre de la ZLECAF ?
Chers panélistes,
Ce sont là juste quelques questions pour anticiper sur le menu du jour.
Sur ce, je nous souhaite un bon débat !
Je vous remercie pour votre attention…
Bonne Journée de l’Afrique et que Dieu bénisse notre continent !!!
You can watch the entire seminar here.
My submission is structured as follows: I will do a quick overview of the AU Reform then I will comment on the effectiveness of the reform in tackling continental challenges.
The institutional reform Agenda is based on 3 pillars.
1/ The scope of intervention of the Union & the structure of the organs/offices of the AU
The idea here was to ensure that the AU focuses only on critical priorities with continental scope so that the body can make a real difference in improving the lives of African citizens.
Those continental priorities are the following:
So, any other issues should be covered at regional and national levels..
But, when the Assembly of the AU went to restructure the Commission, this principle was simply not followed even though the departments had been reduced from 8 to 6. The AU does not seem to drop much thematic, almost none, in my view… Politics have prevented the great idea from President Kagame’s submission from being implemented, so we have only seen a reshuffling and not a refocusing…
2/Leadership and Management: This is still an unfinished business
Some important steps have been taken with the appointment of a not-so-new Management Team…
Positions are still being filled… but the big delay is around the review of the so many organs, institutions, and offices of the Union.
According to the latest report submitted to the just-ended Summit (Feb 2023), about sixty organs, institutions, agencies, and offices of the African Union still need to be reviewed….
In addition, …the reform of the working methods of the Peace and Security Council and its role in conflict prevention and crisis management is still pending.
The division of labor between the AU, RECs, RMs and Member States is still to be concluded.
3/How the Union should be funded to do the job
Here, the plan is for the African Union to be financed by resources from within the continent, but progresses have been very weak.
Development partners continue paying at least 65% of the African Union budget. This is happening despite all the talks, the different scenarios, and the decisions taken many years back, from the proposed taxes on air tickets by President Obasanjo in 2013 to President Kagame’s recommendations of a 0.2 % Levy on eligible imported goods into the continent. If this latest decision is fully implemented, the Union would be able to cover 100% of its operational cost, 75% of its program budget, and 25% of the Union’s peace support operations. We are far, very far from such a situation.
At each level of the reform, we have seen several member states opposing or simply delaying the process… Some have simply been ignoring the decisions taken… So, 6 years after this reform started, there is no visible impact on the efficiency and effectiveness of the African Union.
The Chairperson of the Commission, in recent days, very often has been raising the issue of lack of solidarity among member states.
The just-ended Summit (Feb 2023), after “noting with concern the long delays in the finalization of the remaining reform tasks”, gave another 6 months until July 2023 to the reform Unit to complete the remaining task…. But this is visibly unrealistic, considering the amount of work that remains to be done.
Missed opportunity!!!
What I consider as an unfortunate missed opportunity in the African Union reform framework is the absence an accountability mechanism, especially a sanction framework for non-compliance vis a vis the decisions, protocols, treaties, commitments adopted by member states…
The lack of sanctions for non-compliance has been a severe gap within the AU’s founding document, and the reform created an opportunity to correct it, but it has not happened.
I know there are opposing schools of thought about the issue of sanctions, but what can we achieve if we don’t plan for sanctions in our own policies?
In fact, the reform has reinforced the sanction for non-payment of annual contributions by member states, so it means the sanction for the non-implementation of agreed policies has been deliberately dropped.
We all know that the rate of implementation of AU-adopted policies by member states does not pass 15%. So, if nothing is done on the matter, we will mechanically finish the reform process this year or next year, but there will be no change in the life of African people…
I don’t plan to propose a bucket list of recommendations today. One thing that is holding our institution to serving the people of the continent efficiently is the absence of sanctions on member states that violate our agreed shared values.
AUC needs to be creative in holding member states accountable.
Even the simple fact for the chairperson of the commission to present, at each summit, an independent and objective report on the implementation of our shared values and key agreed principles will be a good step forward that can pressure member states to behave differently.
The most needed reform of the Peace and Security Council
Various reports of the AU itself showed us how conflicts are seriously slowing our development agenda…. Just by looking at the number of young people involved in the conflicts in the Sahel, in the Horn of Africa, in DRC in Nigeria, etc… we know conflicts are the most crucial hindrance to our journey to the Agenda 2063…
….and the main organ (PSC) to deal with the conflicts is struggling to make peace happen.
We can’t continue evaluating the efficiency of the Peace and Security Council only by the number of meetings they have had…
It is not ok to have a peace and security council applying double standards on qualifying unconstitutional change of government depending on where it happens…
We have all seen recently the Council disowning the Chairperson of the African Union Commission on this matter on the situation in Chad…
What happened in Chad, according to constitutional law, is simply a coup, and there is no debate about it.
A few years back, the Peace and Security Council made a bold decision, at the Ambassador level, to protect civilians in Burundi by deploying a 5 000-strong African Prevention and Protection Mission in Burundi – MAPROBU (in French: Mission Africaine de Prevention et de Protection au Burundi)… There also, the AU at the Heads of State level, in a controversial move, came to disown the Council and killed the said decision.
You will agree with me that the reform of the PSC is urgent and cannot wait because the body is not tackling the most severe continental challenge that is preventing us from achieving our development agenda.
I thank you.
Le Président Américain Joe Biden organise un sommet avec les chefs d’État et de gouvernement africains à Washington DC du 13 au 15 décembre 2022. Ce sera le deuxième sommet américain avec des dirigeants africains, après celui organisé par le Président Obama en août 2014.
J’ai eu l’occasion de participer au Sommet de Barack Obama en tant que représentant résident d’Oxfam International auprès de l’Union africaine à l’époque, et j’ai eu à publier mes réflexions ici.
Dans cet article, alors que je me prépare pour prendre part au Sommet de Joe Biden pour le compte de ONE Campaign, j’aimerais partager quelques réflexions personnelles sur les enjeux de cette rencontre imminente.
Selon la Maison Blanche, le Sommet démontrera l’engagement des États-Unis envers l’Afrique et soulignera l’importance des relations entre les États-Unis et l’Afrique ainsi qu’une coopération poussée sur des priorités mondiales communes. Le sommet des dirigeants américains et africains vise à promouvoir et faire progresser la collaboration entre les États-Unis et l’Afrique sur les priorités mondiales et régionales les plus urgentes.
Sur l’Agenda
Selon la Maison Blanche, le Sommet des leaders d’Afrique et des Etats-Unis s’appuiera sur les valeurs, communes aux deux continents afin de mieux :
1- Favoriser un nouvel engagement économique
2- Promouvoir la paix, la sécurité et la bonne gouvernance
3- Renforcer l’engagement en faveur de la démocratie, les droits de l’homme et la société civile.
4- Travailler en synergie pour renforcer la sécurité sanitaire régionale et mondiale.
5- Promouvoir la sécurité alimentaire
6- Répondre à la crise climatique
7- Amplifier les liens avec la diaspora
L’importance géopolitique et économique de l’Afrique
De toute évidence, le Sommet sera le reflet de la nouvelle stratégie américaine à l’égard de l’Afrique, qui démontre l’importance cruciale du continent pour relever les défis mondiaux actuels. L’Afrique est un acteur géopolitique clé, qui façonne le présent et l’avenir du monde.
Avec une population à la croissance la plus rapide au monde, la plus grande zone de libre-échange, les écosystèmes les plus diversifiés et étant la plus grande force politique pour les votes aux Nations Unies, l’Afrique est un vaste continent organisé en cinq régions géographiques (Nord, Est, Ouest, Sud, Centre). Les aspirations actuelles du continent sont mis en évidence dans l’Agenda 2063 de l’Union Africaine – L’Afrique que nous voulons, un plan d’action visant à construire un continent intégré, pacifique et prospère qui occupe la place qui lui revient sur la scène mondiale.
L’importance stratégique du continent pour la sécurité et la prospérité régionales et mondiales et le rôle croissant et significatif qu’il joue dans la mise sur pied du système mondial de gouvernance ont fait de l’Afrique un acteur politique incontournable dans les discussions internationales. Cette importance se note clairement dans les divers types d’engagements diplomatiques et l’éventail des partenariats qu’elle établit avec différents blocs politiques et pays au cours des trois dernières décennies.
En outre, l’Afrique est très attrayante, avec ses ressources naturelles et humaines abondantes. Sa population majoritairement jeune, dynamique et résiliente, son énorme potentiel de développement, de commerce et d’investissement, entre autres, sont quelques-uns des grands atouts et avantages concurrentiels du continent.
Diplomatie des Sommets: une Tentative de Rattrapage ?
Depuis que le Président Obama a organisé le premier Sommet avec le continent en 2014, dans le but de contribuer à ouvrir un nouveau chapitre dans les relations américano-africaines, les États-Unis ont perdu du terrain face à leurs “concurrents” en Afrique. Entre temps, le président Trump avait choisi de dénigrer les pays africains et interdit à nombre de leurs citoyens de se rendre aux États-Unis, et le président Biden n’a pas fait grand-chose jusqu’à présent pour montrer son engagement envers l’Afrique.
Au cours des deux dernières années seulement, l’Union européenne, le Royaume-Uni, la Turquie, l’Inde et le Japon ont tenu leurs sommets avec le continent. La Chine a organisé son quatrième Forum triennal sur la coopération sino-africaine (FOCAC) au Sénégal, et la Russie tiendra son deuxième sommet africain en 2023. La Chine a nettement approfondi ses relations avec l’Afrique. Ses échanges commerciales avec le continent ayant augmentées 35 % en 2021 pour atteindre un pic de 254 milliards de dollars en atteste largement. En outre, la Russie a fait des percées notoires, les mercenaires du groupe Wagner, soutenus par le Kremlin, opérant désormais dans pas moins de 18 pays africains, selon le Centre d’études stratégiques et internationales de Washington.
Les récents votes des pays africains à l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies sont assez édifiants et indique clairement que le continent ne peut plus être considéré comme acquis. Le Président Biden comprend donc certainement que l’Amérique doit rattraper son retard dans ses relations avec l’Afrique et, surtout, adopter une nouvelle approche et de nouveaux langages différents des pratiques de l’administration américaine précédente.
Qui est invité au Sommet, et qui ne l’est pas ?
49 dirigeants des 55 États membres de l’Union africaine ont été invités. Les dirigeants du Mali, du Burkina Faso, du Soudan et de la Guinée, qui ont été suspendus de l’Union africaine, n’ont pas reçu d’invitation. L’autre critère d’invitation observé est inhérent à l’existence de relations diplomatiques. Le président Biden n’a, en effet, invité que les pays avec lesquels les États-Unis entretiennent des relations diplomatiques complètes. Actuellement, les États-Unis n’échangent pas d’ambassadeurs avec l’Érythrée et n’ont pas reconnu la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique en tant que pays ; par conséquent, bien que ces deux nations soient des membres réguliers de l’Union Africaine, elles n’ont pas été invitées. Curieusement, le Tchad a été invité bien que le dirigeant actuel du pays Mahamat Déby, ait récemment pris le pouvoir par un coup d’État, violant la constitution nationale et les règles de l’Union lorsque son père, Idriss Deby Itno, a été assassiné. L’Union Africaine n’a pas réussi à suspendre le Tchad à la suite du coup d’État, dans ce qui est considéré comme un double-standard politique.
Au-delà de la réunion des chefs d’État…
Le sommet de Washington impliquera aussi officiellement le monde des affaires, la société civile, la jeunesse et la diaspora africaine.
Un forum de la société civile sera organisé par l’USAID le 13 décembre 2022, avec la participation des représentants de la société civile et de certains dirigeants d’Afrique et des États-Unis. Le Forum proposera les sujets de discussion suivants : La participation inclusive dans la politique et la vie publique, la lutte contre la corruption, et les droits des travailleurs.
Un forum de la diaspora et de la jeunesse sera aussi organisé le 13 décembre 2022 : le forum des jeunes leaders d’Afrique et de la diaspora a pour objectif de rehausser le niveau d’engagement de la diaspora afin de renforcer le dialogue entre les responsables américains et la diaspora aux États-Unis et de fournir une plateforme aux jeunes leaders d’Afrique et de la diaspora pour élaborer des solutions innovantes aux défis urgents. L’Union africaine a identifié la diaspora africaine comme la sixième région du continent. La diaspora est, en effet, une ressource importante et une opportunité d’engagement dans le développement du continent. Le Forum comprendra des séances en petits groupes sur l’enseignement supérieur, les industries créatives et la justice climatique, sur le thème “Amplifier les voix : Construire des partenariats durables”.
Un forum des affaires sera organisé le 14 décembre 2022, par le ministère américain du commerce, la chambre de commerce américaine et le Corporate Council on Africa, en partenariat avec l’initiative Prosper Africa. Le Forum s’articulera autour de la promotion de partenariats bilatéraux en matière de commerce et d’investissement afin de renforcer le rôle de l’Afrique dans l’économie mondiale, développer l’innovation et l’esprit d’entreprise et favoriser les progrès dans des secteurs clés. Placé sous le thème “Partenariat pour un avenir prospère et résilient”, le Forum réunira des chefs d’État africains et des chefs d’entreprise et de gouvernement américains et africains afin de promouvoir des partenariats mutuellement bénéfiques qui créent des emplois et stimulent une croissance inclusive et durable des deux côtés de l’Atlantique.
Paix et sécurité : Il y aura un forum sur la paix, la sécurité et la gouvernance, avec des représentants des entités de développement, de défense et de diplomatie qui parleront des liens entre les institutions démocratiques, de la gouvernance, de la paix et la prospérité à long terme.
Commerce, santé, etc : Une réunion ministérielle sur la croissance et les possibilités économiques en Afrique sera également convoquée par le représentant des États-Unis pour le commerce, ainsi qu’une réunion ministérielle sur la santé afin d’examiner comment les deux parties pourraient s’associer pour mettre en place des systèmes de santé plus résilients et équitables afin de relever les défis sanitaires actuels et futurs.
Il sera aussi important pour les dirigeants africains de discuter de la forme que prendra le dispositif AGOA après son expiration en 2025 et de la manière dont son successeur s’intégrera dans la nouvelle zone de libre-échange continentale africaine.
Le climat : Une session avec les ministres des affaires étrangères sera également organisée pour soutenir la conservation, l’adaptation aux changements climatiques et une transition énergétique juste, ainsi qu’un forum américano-africain sur l’espace civil et commercial pour discuter des objectifs partagés sur la crise climatique, la promotion d’un comportements responsables et le renforcement de la coopération sur les activités spatiales scientifiques et commerciales.
Sécurité alimentaire : Une session spéciale du sommet sera consacrée à la sécurité alimentaire et aux systèmes alimentaires, l’une des préoccupations les plus cruciales dans laquelle l’Afrique doit investir de toute urgence, mais aussi dans une perspective à long terme, et pour laquelle les États-Unis peuvent être un excellent partenaire.
Autres événements parallèles : Plusieurs acteurs non étatiques prévoient différentes réunions thématiques en marge des rassemblements officiels afin d’influer sur les résultats du sommet. Pour en savoir plus sur ces réunions, cliquez ici.
Quelles priorités pour l’Afrique ?
Le prochain sommet des dirigeants américains et africains devrait se concentrer sur une vision globale à long terme d’une relation forte et stratégique entre les États-Unis et l’Afrique, afin d’assurer la prospérité collective des peuples américain et africain. Une telle relation devrait être fondée sur un respect mutuel absolu et des valeurs partagées.
Dans le cadre de la Diplomatie des Sommets en cours avec les différents blocs politiques, l’Afrique devrait toujours s’assurer que les 7 aspirations de son Agenda 2063 sont prises en compte. Nos dirigeants doivent les aborder clairement lors des prochaines discussions à Washington.
Voici 4 des questions les plus cruciales que le Sommet devrait prioriser :
1/ La Sécurité Alimentaire : Le paradoxe embarrassant à ce sujet est que, bien qu’elle possède plus de 60% des terres fertiles du monde, l’Afrique reste un importateur hors norme de nourriture, dépensant 35 milliards de dollars par an en importations alimentaires. La guerre en Ukraine compromet aussi certains approvisionnements du continent. Si rien n’est fait, des millions d’Africains risquent encore de tomber dans l’extrême pauvreté et la malnutrition. La conséquence directe de la hausse des prix des denrées alimentaires sera que moins de ménages africains pourront s’offrir des repas quotidiens décents. Les ménages en situation d’insécurité alimentaire sur le continent seront encore plus laissés à leurs sorts. Les taux de consommation baisseront, l’épargne s’épuisera, la dette augmentera et les actifs seront liquidés, ce qui risque d’accentuer l’instabilité sur le continent. Nous avons beaucoup de terres en Afrique, mais la plupart des agriculteurs utilisent encore des instruments rudimentaires pour l’agriculture. L’industrie agroalimentaire est peu développée en Afrique et se caractérise principalement par une transformation à petite échelle des produits agricoles, assurée par de petites unités aux capacités très limitées.
La Banque africaine de développement (BAD) dispose d’une stratégie pour la transformation de l’agriculture en Afrique dans le cadre de son High5. Lors de sa récente réunion annuelle à Accra, au Ghana, la BAD a lancé un programme de 1,5 milliard de dollar pour financer l’achat de denrées alimentaires pour les gouvernements à court d’argent vu la rapidité avec laquelle les prix augmentent. Il est urgent de donner la priorité aux investissements dans l’agriculture dès maintenant aux niveaux national et régional. Il est temps pour l’Afrique de se nourrir par elle-même. Le continent a besoin de ressources pour y parvenir, et les États-Unis peuvent l’appuyer financièrement et techniquement.
Le gouvernement des États-Unis a un fort pouvoir de pression pour soutenir ce processus. Le prochain sommet devrait donc être une occasion pour aborder la question de la fuite des capitaux d’Afrique comme un problème crucial pour l’avenir du continent et de la communauté mondiale.
2/ Le Financement du Développement : Mettre fin aux flux financiers illicites pour stimuler l’industrialisation : Chaque année, 89 milliards de dollars quittent le continent africain sous forme de flux financiers illicites, selon le rapport de la CNUCED sur le développement économique en Afrique. Il s’agit de mouvements transfrontaliers d’argent et d’actifs dont la source, le transfert ou l’utilisation sont illégaux. Ils comprennent les capitaux illicites qui sortent du continent, les pratiques fiscales et commerciales telles que la facturation sous-facturation des expéditions commerciales, et les activités criminelles telles que les marchés illégaux, la corruption et les detournements.
APD contre FFIs : Le fait choquant est que les milliards perdus chaque année à cause des FFI sont presque égaux à l’aide publique au développement (APD) et aux investissements directs étrangers (IDE) réunis. Il s’agit d’opportunités de développement manquées. Ainsi, l’Afrique perd beaucoup plus d’argent à cause de la fuite des capitaux qu’elle n’en obtient à travers l’aide au développement, les emprunts extérieurs ou les investissements directs étrangers. L’arrêt des flux financiers illicites nécessite une coopération et des actions internationales, tant sur le continent qu’à l’extérieur. Chaque dollar qui quitte le continent est une occasion manquée d’investir dans des domaines tels que l’agriculture, la sécurité alimentaire, les services de santé et d’éducation, et les infrastructures.
Mandaté par l’Union Africaine et la Commission économique des Nations Unies pour l’Afrique, un groupe de haut niveau dirigé par l’ancient président Thabo Mbeki a formulé des recommandations pratiques pour lutter contre les FFI. Nous devons revenir sur ces recommandations, les concrétiser et débloquer des ressources substantielles pour financer nos plans de développement.
3/ La jeunesse : l’emploi et le développent des compétences : La structure d’âge de notre population a un impact important sur notre développement économique. Le “dividende démographique” désigne les avantages économiques découlant d’une augmentation significative du nombre d’adultes en âge de travailler par rapport à ceux qui sont à charge. Ces adultes en âge de travailler doivent être en bonne santé, éduqués, formés, qualifiés et avoir un emploi décent, et d’autres opportunités économiques doivent être créées pour répondre à leurs demandes. Il ne suffit pas d’avoir une population jeune pour catalyser le développement et la prospérité. Tous les pays africains doivent mettre en œuvre efficacement la feuille de route de l’Union Africaine pour tirer profit du dividende démographique en Afrique.
4/ Conflits : Au-delà des solutions militaires : L’Union Africaine elle-même a identifié plus de 20 conflits actuels dans les pays qui composent l’Union. 113 millions de personnes en Afrique ont actuellement un besoin urgent d’aide humanitaire. Les causes profondes de la plupart des conflits en Afrique se trouvent essentiellement dans l’extrême pauvreté, les profondes inégalités structurelles, la gestion inefficace des ressources naturelles et le changement climatique, entre autres. Les opérations militaires ne suffiront pas à apporter la paix en Afrique. Nous devons en priorité nous attaquer à la crise de la gouvernance, promouvoir une participation inclusive à la politique, fournir des services sociaux et stimuler le développement. Les interventions militaires ne doivent être qu’au service de cette approche.
Un mécanisme de redevabilité pour garantir la mise en œuvre des engagements du sommet Etats-Unis – Afrique.
Contrairement à d’autres sommets (TICAD, FOCAC, UE-UA, etc.), le sommet États-Unis-Afrique ne dispose pas d’un processus structuré de suivi, de mise en œuvre et de redevabilité. Le prochain sommet devrait examiner cette question de près et mettre en place un mécanisme de redevabilité mutuelle inclusif et impliquant les organisations de la société civile.
Aujourd’hui, il est difficile de savoir précisément ce qu’il en est des engagements adoptés lors du sommet d’Obama en 2014. Le fait d’avoir près de 50 chefs d’État et de gouvernement, avec de grandes délégations qui se rendent à Washington en jets individuels, a un coût énorme pour le continent et le monde. Ce sommet devrait déboucher sur des actions concrètes et mesurables qui auront des impacts réels sur les populations des États-Unis et de l’Afrique.
Vos commentaires et suggestions sont les bienvenus sur ce site ou directement sur mon adresse mail : Desire.Assogbavi@assodesire.com ou Assogbavi@me.com
Si vous souhaitez continuer à recevoir mes articles, suivez ce blog en bas à gauche de cette page.
The United States President, Joe Biden, is hosting a Summit with African heads of State and government in Washington DC from the 13th to 15th of December 2022. This will be the second US Summit with African Leaders; the first was hosted by President Obama in August 2014. I have had the opportunity to participate in the Obama Summit as the then Resident Representative of Oxfam International to the African Union, and I have posted my reflections here.
As I am preparing to participate in the upcoming Biden Summit as part of the ONE Campaign delegation, I would like to share a few personal thoughts on what is at stake in this gathering.
According to the White House, the Summit will demonstrate the United States enduring commitment to Africa and will underscore the importance of U.S.- Africa relations and increased cooperation on shared global priorities. The U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit aims to advance U.S.- African collaboration on the current most pressing global and regional priorities.
Agenda
From the White House’s perspective, the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit will build on the values shared with the African Continents values to better:
1- Foster new economic engagement
2- Advance peace, security, and good governance
3- Reinforce commitment to democracy, human rights, and civil society
4- Work collaboratively to strengthen regional and global health security
5- Promote food security
6- Respond to the climate crisis
7- Amplify diaspora ties
Africa’s Geopolitical and Economic Importance
Obviously, the summit will mirror and will be a test for the new US strategy towards Africa, which emphasizes the critical importance of the continent in meeting today’s global challenges. Africa is a key geopolitical player, one that is shaping the present and will shape the future of the world.
With one of the world’s fastest-growing populations, the largest free trade area, the most diverse ecosystems, and one of the largest regional voting groups in the United Nations, Africa is a vast continent organized in five geographic regions (Northern, Southern, Western, Eastern, and Central Africa). The continent’s current aspirations are captured in the AU Agenda 2063 – The Africa We Want, a business plan aiming to realize an integrated, peaceful, and prosperous continent with its rightful place in the global arena.
The continent’s strategic importance to regional and global security and prosperity and the growing and influential role it has been playing in shaping the global system of governance have made Africa a critical political actor in global discussions. This importance can clearly be seen in the various types of diplomatic engagements and the range of partnerships established with different political blocs and countries over the last three decades.
In addition, Africa is highly attractive with its abundant natural endowments and rich human resources, its youthful, dynamic, and resilient population, and its enormous development, trade, and investment opportunities are some of the great assets and competitive advantages of the continent.
Summit Diplomacy Catching up?
Since President Obama hosted the first Summit with the continent in 2014, with the aim of helping to launch a new chapter in American – African relations, the United States has lost ground to its “competitors” in Africa. In between, President Trump had chosen to denigrate African countries and barred many of their citizens from visiting the United States, and President Biden has not done much so far to show commitment toward Africa.
In the last two years only, the European Union, the United Kingdom, Turkey, India, and Japan, held their Summits with the continent. China hosted its fourth triennial Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Senegal, and Russia will hold its second African Summit in 2023. China has deepened its relationship with Africa, with bilateral trade jumping 35% in 2021 to a peak of $254 billion. So far, Russia has inroads, with the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group mercenaries now operating in no less than 18 African countries, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.
The recent votes of African countries at the UN General Assembly are clear messages that the continent can no more be taken for granted, so President Biden surely understands that America needs to catch up on its relationship with Africa and, most importantly, to adopt a new approach and new languages that is different from initiatives by the previous U.S. Administration.
Who is invited to the Summit, and who is not?
49 Leaders of the 55 African Union member States have been invited. Leaders of Mali, Burkina Faso, Sudan, and Guinea, who have been suspended from the African Union, have not received invitations. The other criterion for an invitation is that President Biden invited only countries with whom the US has full diplomatic relations. Currently, the US does not exchange ambassadors with Eritrea and has not recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as a country, so though these two nations are regular members of the African Union, they have not been invited. Curiously Chad has been invited even though the current leader of the country, Mahamat Déby, recently snatched power by a coup, violating the national constitution when his father, Idriss Deby, was killed. The African Union failed to suspend Chad following the coup in what is seen as an unfortunate political double standard.
Beyond the Heads of States Meeting
The Washington Summit will also officially involve the business community, civil society, the youth, and the African Diaspora.
A Civil Society Forum on the 13th of December 2022 is to be hosted by USAID with the participation of civil society representatives and some leaders from Africa and the United States. The Forum will table the following topics for discussion: Inclusive Participation in Politics and Public Life, Anticorruption Accountability, and Workers/Labor Participation.
A Diaspora & Youth Forum on the the13th of December 2022: the African and Diaspora Young Leaders Forum aims to elevate diaspora engagement to strengthen dialogue between U.S. officials and the diaspora in the United States and provide a platform for young African and diaspora leaders to fashion innovative solutions to pressing challenges. African Union has identified the African diaspora as the sixth region of the continent. The diaspora is an important resource and opportunity for engagement in the development of the continent. The Forum will feature breakout sessions on higher education, the creative industries, and environmental equity, utilizing the theme ‘‘Amplifying Voices: Building Partnerships that Last”.
A Business Forum on the 14th of December 2022 will be hosted by the U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and Corporate Council on Africa, in partnership with the Prosper Africa initiative. The Forum will focus on advancing two-way trade and investment partnerships that bolster Africa’s role in the global economy, scale innovation and entrepreneurship, and drive advancements in key sectors. Under the theme “Partnering for a Prosperous and Resilient Future,” the Forum will bring together African Heads of State and U.S. and African business and government leaders to advance mutually beneficial partnerships that create jobs and drive inclusive and sustainable growth on both sides of the Atlantic.
Peace and Security: There will be a Peace, Security, and Governance forum, with representatives of development, defense, and diplomacy arms will talk about the linkages between democratic institutions and governance and long-term peace and prosperity.
Trade, Health, etc: An African Growth and Opportunity Act ministerial will also be convened by United States Trade Representative, as well as a health ministerial to look at how both parties could partner to build more resilient and equitable health systems to address both current and future health challenges. It will be important for African leaders to discuss the form that African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA) will take after its expiration in 2025 and how its successor will fit into the new African Continental Free Trade Area.
Climate: A session with foreign ministers will also be held on supporting conservation, climate adaptation, and a just energy transition, as well as a U.S.- Africa civil and commercial space forum to discuss shared objectives on the climate crisis, promoting responsible behavior and strengthening cooperation on science and commercial space activities.
Food Security: A special session of the summit will be focused on addressing food security and food systems, one of the most crucial issues that Africa needs to invest in as a matter of urgency but also with a long-term perspective and on which the United States can be a great partner.
Other Side Events: Several nonstate actors are planning different thematic meetings alongside the official gathering to influence the outcomes of the Summit. Learn more about those meetings here.
Which Priorities for Africa?
The upcoming US-Africa leaders’ Summit should focus on a comprehensive long-term vision for a strong and strategic US – Africa relationship to achieve the collective prosperity of American and African people. Such a relationship should be built on absolute mutual respect and shared values.
In the framework of the ongoing Summit Diplomacy around Africa involving various political blocs, the Continent should always ensure that the 7 Aspirations of its Agenda 2063 are being taken care of. Our leaders must clearly articulate these in the upcoming Washington discussions.
Here are 4 of the most crucial issues that the Summit should prioritize
1/ Food Security: The embarrassing paradox on this matter is that despite having more than 60% of the world’s fertile land, Africa remains a major importer of food, spending $35 billion annually on food imports. The war in Ukraine is cutting off some supplies to the continent, so if nothing is done, millions more Africans are in danger of falling into extreme poverty and malnutrition. The direct implication of higher food prices will be that fewer African households will be able to afford decent daily meals. Food-insecure households in the continent will be left much further behind. Consumption rates will fall, savings will be depleted, debt will increase, and assets will be liquidated, and all these have the risk of increasing instability in the continent. We have plenty of land in Africa, but most farmers still use rudimentary instruments for Agriculture. The agri-food industry is poorly developed in Africa and is mainly characterized by small-scale processing of agricultural products, which is provided by small units with very limited capacity.
The African Development Bank (AfDB) has a Strategy for Agriculture Transformation in Africa as part of its High5. During its recent annual meeting in Accra, Ghana, the AfDB launched a 1.5 billion USD facility to finance food purchases for cash-strapped governments as prices rise quickly. It is urgent to prioritize investment in agriculture now at national and regional levels. It is time for Africa to feed itself. The continent needs resources to do so, and the US can assist both financially and technically.
2/ Development Finance: Stopping the Illicit Financial Flows to boost industrialization: Every year, $89 billion leaves the African continent as Illicit Financial Flows, according to the UNCTAD. These are movements of money and assets across borders that are illegal in source, transfer, or use. It includes illicit capital getting out of the continent, tax and commercial practices like wrong invoicing of trade shipments, and criminal activities such as illegal markets, corruption, or theft.
ODA vs. IFFs: The shocking fact is that the billions lost annually to IFFs are almost equal to the Official Development Assistance (ODA) and Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) altogether. These are missed development opportunities. So, Africa loses significantly more cash to capital flight than it obtains from development aid, external borrowing, or foreign direct investment. Stopping illicit financial flows requires international cooperation and actions both within the continent and outside. Every dollar that leaves the continent is a missed opportunity to invest in areas like agriculture, food security, health and education services, and infrastructure.
Commissioned by the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, a High-Level Panel led by President Thabo Mbeki made practical recommendations to tackle the IFFs. We need to go back to those recommendations, implement them fully and pull out substantial resources to finance our development plans.
The United States Government has strong leverage to support this process, so, the upcoming Summit should address capital flight from Africa as a critical issue for the future of the continent and the global community.
3/ Youth: Job and skill development: The age structure of our population has an important impact on our economic development. The “demographic dividend” refers to economic benefits arising from a significant increase of working-aged adults vis-a-vis those who are dependents. These working-age adults must be healthy, educated, trained, skilled, and have decent jobs, and other economic opportunities should be created to meet their demands. Having a youthful population is not enough to catalyze development and prosperity. All African countries should effectively implement the AU Roadmap on harnessing the demographic dividend in Africa.
4/ Conflicts: Beyond Military Solutions: The AU itself has identified more than 20 current conflicts in the countries that make up the Union. 113 million people in Africa are currently in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The root causes of most conflicts in Africa are to be found essentially in extreme poverty, deep structural inequalities, inefficient management of natural resources, and climate change, among others. Military operations alone will not bring peace to Africa. We need to prioritize addressing the governance crisis, promote inclusive participation in politics, provide social services and boost development. Military interventions should only be at the service of this approach.
An accountability Mechanism to ensure implementation of the commitments of the US – African Summit
Unlike some of the other Summits (TICAD, FOCAC, EU-AU, etc.) The US-Africa Summit does not have a structured follow-up, implementation, and accountability process. The upcoming gathering should look at this closely and come up with a mechanism for mutual accountability that is inclusive and involves civil society organizations.
Today it is difficult to track precisely what has been done with the commitments adopted at the Obama Summit in 2014. Having 50 heads of state and governments with big delegations flying individual jets to Washington has an important cost for the continent and the world. This Summit should lead to concrete and traceable actions that will have real impacts on the populations of both the US and Africa.
Watch this space for more updates on the upcoming Leaders’ Summit.
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