Addis Ababa, 16 December 2014

Your Excellency, Chair of the Peace and Security Council

On behalf of Oxfam International, I would like to thank your Council for inviting us to address your session on Inequality, Illicit Financial Flows and Instability in Africa.

The Progress that our continent has achieved over the last decade is under threat by the rapid rising of inequality. Money, but also Power, and Opportunities are concentrated in the hands of a few, and this has reached an extreme level.

The consequences are corrosive for everyone. Extreme inequality encourages corruption fuels crime and violent conflicts. It’s wasteful for talent, potential and undermine the foundations our societies.

Homicide rates are 4 times higher in countries with extreme economic inequality than in more equal nations. Today, in many of our countries, access to justice is on sale, legally or illegally insuring impunity for the powerful.  The results are evident. The frustrated poor, mostly young people have nothing to loose… The can only get into violence or are just vulnerable to all kind of temptations.

Your Excellency;

The other issue on your agenda today which are the Illicit Financial Flows, are money from transactions, illegally removed or transfer from our countries… Money that escape public knowledge.

50% of illicit financial flows result from profit shifting by multinationals and up to 70% of those are from Extractive Industries in Africa.

Illicit outflow from Africa drags over $ 50 billion out of the continent every year. This represents about 1 billion per week.

The Africa Progress Panel estimated that $38 billion leave Africa every year through trade mispricing only… companies undervalue the prices of imports and exports so they don’t have to pay the appropriate tax.

 The Following solutions can be considered both to tackle inequality and resolve the issue of IFF:

Transparency: is a great disinfectant. It will put pressure on governments to account for how they spend the money received.

We must enact policies that force mining companies to publish payments to governments.

Some African States have been having the Right moves to manage resource wealth responsibly. Ghana for example has the Petroleum Revenue Management Act… a good example of how targeted regulation can promote shared prosperity –

The African Mining Vision (AMV)…. adopted in 2009 by the AU is not known in our continent. We need a deliberate effort to promote it and encourage member states to implement it.  In a long term, we must make it a binding document for all African Countries.

Oxfam Liaison Office to the African Union has just set a program in Addis Ababa to support the effort of the AU Commission in the promotion of the AMV.

Extreme Inequality can be overcome… if we make Government to truly work for citizens.

• Tax system: is one of the most important tools governments have to address inequality.
• Clinics, classrooms and other public services free of charge can help to close the gap in life chances.

We must also close the international tax loopholes and fill the gap in tax governance.  – – – –

I thank you.

Meeting of the Peace and Security Council: Open Session on Ebola outbreak in West Africa and AU Support Mission to Ebola outbreak in West Africa (ASEOWA)

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen

On behalf of Oxfam, I would like to thank the PSC for inviting us to this important debate.

With the current Ebola outbreak, Health services have collapsed and other diseases are going untreated.  Household income is going down, poverty level is increasing, schools are closed and, If not contained, the likelihood of the spread of this virus to a larger area in our continent is high!

Ebola crisis has wiped away, years of development gains, and, is now threatening to increase the fragility of the affected countries and the stability of the region.

 Ebola crisis requires a multi-sectorial response to reduce infection rates. My organization, is now responding to the crisis with a planned budget of 43 Million USD. Our focus now is mostly to prevent further spread of the disease.

This is being achieved through supporting improving capacity of inpatient care with a WASH programme as well as material support to medical facilities together with more effective community level prevention and control mechanisms.

We are now operating mainly in Sierra Leone and Liberia with the aims to reach at least 3.2 Million people at risk.

In additions to recommendations already proposed, I will mention 3 more from our end:

• Prioritize Prevention of further infections – In addition to the mobilisation of funding for treatment and medical personnel, response, should also focus on a systematic education of communities, equipping them with means to protect themselves, in order to prevent further spread of the virus. Community mobilisation and engagement is the only way to ensure that treatment facilities work to their full potential – by ensuring that people know how and when to access treatment –  by removing the blocks to behavioural change)…. Treatment and Prevention must go hand in hand.

 

1. We should not forget preparedness for “countries at risk”.  At least 15 countries have been identified as “countries of concern”. My previous point on prevention goes for them as well.

• Revive the AU Abuja Declaration on health: 

 

One of the lessons we learn today is that, affected countries were not equipped to detect and contain the epidemic on time… Universal access to quality and free healthcare should be at the heart of making poverty history in our continent.

In April 2001, AU member states pledged in Abuja to increase government funding for health to at least 15% of their national budget. 13 years after, most of the countries in the region allocated less the 7% to health. In Guinea for example, reports show that only 3% of the national budget goes to health. This is a wakeup call to us!!!    We call upon the PSC today to remind to member states, their Abuja commitments and urge them to implement it.

I thank you.

 

By Desire Assogbavi

The year 2015 has been declared by the Assembly of the African Union as the “Year of Women Empowerment and Development towards Africa’s Agenda 2063”. Both bi-annual Summits of the AU will then be organized around this theme. In the practice, the theme will be symbolically launched during the January Summit but a number of related activities will be organized throughout the year 2015. However, some other burning issues will dominated the various policy discussions during the Summit.

The Summit will be as usual organized in 3 steps:

– The Permanent Representatives Committee (Ambassadors): 23 – 24 January

– The Executive Council (Ministers of Foreign Affairs): 26 – 27 January

– The Assemble of the AU (Heads of State and Government) 30 – 31 January

A number of other parallel/side meetings will also normally be held by states and non-state actors.

What is likely to dominate the Summit?

Beside the official launch of the theme of the Summit “Women Empowerment and Development towards Africa’s Agenda 2063”, no major decision is expected to be taken on this issue. The Assembly usually organizes a public debate and adopts a declaration/commitment on the main theme but this normally happens during the July Summit. The following issues are expected to dominate the Summit:

Ebola Crisis: Ebola has already claimed close to 7, 500 lives in Africa. Response to Ebola is on the right path. The recent move of AUC Chairperson Mrs. D-Zuma  raising fund from the private sector within the continent is excellent, but there is a long way to go with the number of cases still increasing exponentially. Beyond transmission rates, there is already a crisis in non-Ebola health, and major concerns around food security, livelihoods, vulnerability and long term economic impact. There is a need to prioritize prevention of further infections and the AU member States must revive the AU Abuja Declaration by which they have committed to allocate 15% of their national budget on health. AU policy organs will consider a report of the AU Commission on the crisis and take a decision on it. Read my address to the PSC on Ebola wp.me/p4ywYV-2w

African Union Agenda 2063: The drafted 50-year plan of the continental body is expected to be adopted during the January Summit. A previous decision taken in Malabo this year by the Executive Council strongly recommended to member states to organize systematic national consultations on the Agenda but this had not happened in many countries. The AU Commission however conducted some targeted stakeholder consultations over the year. Priority programmes and projects of the Agenda 2063 include: An Integrated High Speed Train Network, the Continental Free Trade Area, the African Passport and Free Movement of people, Unification of African Air Space, the Grand Inga Dam Project etc… The AU Commission has been asked to propose concrete steps towards the implementation of these priorities. See the June 2014 version of the Agenda 2063: http://issuu.com/assogbavi/docs

Alternative Sources of Financing the African Union: There is still no consensus among AU Members on how to stop or at least to reduce the current financial dependency of the African Union from external donors. Currently, external donors pay more than 70% of all AU expenses (including peace and security budget). Proposals made by President Obasanjo, if implemented will generate over USD 750 Million annually to the AU (more than the current budget which is 522 Million USD excluding Peace and Security). Discussions will continue on this but I suspect member states are far from reaching a full consensus on this.

Presidency of the African Union for 2015: Will the AU elect Robert Mugabe as its Chairperson for 2015? The Chairmanship of the AU shall normally go to Southern Africa for 2015 and the established tradition is that the region presents a candidate. Speculations indicate that Robert Mugabe is likely to be the candidate of Southern Africa… I wish he is not! – Read my blog on this next week on: https://assodesire.wordpress.com/

Observers (including CSOs)’s participation in the AU Summits: Observers are now receiving invitation for the January Summit. – Great news!!!

In July this year, the African Union did not invite African non-state actors to the Summit held in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. There is an unfinished discussion on whether observers should be invited to both the January and the July Summit of the Union. There is a growing number of member states that stand for observers to be invited  only to the January Summit in order to reserve the July Summit for closed and quiet discussions within member States only. Of course CSOs and donors/partners are not in favour of any restriction of access to the Summit. I suspect this is becoming the practice.

Peace and Security: The Summit will review the state of peace and security in the continent and will adopt decisions on each situation. Hot spots include South Sudan, Sudan, DRC, Somalia, CAR and Mali. It is also expected that terrorisms including the situations in Nigeria and Kenya will come up. The Situation in the DRC will be particularly discussed in a special meeting around the DRC Framework Agreement at Heads of State level.

Illicit Financial Flow and unfair exploitation of mineral resources of Africa: Illicit outflows from Africa are estimated for about $ 50-60 billion per year. This represents 1 billion per week, leaving the continent through extractive industries, tax evasion and trade mispricing. President Tabo M’beki, Chair of the AU High-level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows from Africa is now confirmed  to present a report on the issue. This issue should be definitely linked to the financing for the development of the continent which will bring solution to numerous other problems. See my blog on this: https://assodesire.wordpress.com/

Elections

There will be elections for the following organs of the African Union

• 11 Members of the Advisory Board of Corruption
• 7 Members of the African Union Commission on International Law
• President and Vice president on the Pan Africa University
• Selection of the Host Country of the Pan African University

AU Summit: An influencing and Networking Opportunity

The upcoming Summit presents an important advocacy opportunity on some of the issues I have mentioned above. These include Ebola response and priority actions, Financing for Africa Development and Illicit Financial Flow, Africa Agenda 2063, Peace and Security, CSOs space etc. Even though the AU summit is not the best moment to influence actual policies, it creates a unique opportunity for various actors to raise some priority issues trough media work, direct lobby and advocacy. The Summit is also a unique networking moment for future collaboration between actors from various backgrounds.

You can get here my presentation to a join seminar organized by the UNDP, the AGI, the African Union and ECDPM in Pretoria, South Africa on the 21 November 2014:

By Desire Assogbavi

Following the events that take place in Burkina Faso, which led to the fall of the regime of Blaise Compaoré and the seizure of power by the military, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union met on November 3rd, 2014 and gave a 15-days deadline to the military to hand over power to a civilian authority of consensus. The Concil specifically “demanded that the Army Burkina Faso leaves power, which must be transferred to a civilian authority, in accordance with the Constitution, within a maximum period of two weeks …”

This is certainly a positive and categorical position in favor of the rule of law and democracy which our brothers and sisters of Burkina Faso are looking for. I was then expecting (perhaps naively) a very positive response from the people of Burkina Faso vis a vis that support of the AU. However I have seen a totally different set of reactions posted online. Here is a selection that I copied from the website of Radio France International –  RFI. I have tried to avoid the most insulting comments:

• “Where was the AU, the Union of dictators, when Compaore threatened democracy by denying the right to change of power in Burkina Faso? What we want is an Union  of peoples who care for progress on the continent”
• “The AU !!! they still exist ??? “
• “Go to hell! Where was this UNION of DISHONESTS when Blaise wanted to do his constitutional coup? What did the AU do or said when NATO killed his father Gaddafi? “They are concerned only about their pockets and their stomach …
• “When Blaise was killing the revolution we heard neither the AU nor France nor the United States nor the United Nations …”
• “We urge the AU to say a word about what is happening in DRC before it is too late, soon there will be revolt against the constitutional revision
• “The African Union is an organization to be removed from the list of international organizations because of its inefficiency …”
• “Why the AU would not punish Blaise Compaoré when he wanted to amend Article 37 and now it is the people of Burkina it wants to punish shame in all its institutions”
• “Better for the AU to deal with Ebola, we set our business …”

In all honesty, these comments reflect a real feeling experienced by the people  of our continent vis a vis the only Pan African organization that we have. These comments must alert the African Union leadership. These comments should be taken seriously.

The African Union has responded positively but unfortunately too late … as usual … after the people had themselves driven the dictator out with all the risks that this entailed. There was not a single statement of principle towards Compaore since he was trying to change the constitution to run for another term after 27 years of absolute power following the murder Thomas Sankara Lingani and Zongo. Today, the African Union itself is chaired by another author of Coup, the Mauritanian Abdel Aziz … the Peace and Security Council is chaired by the Equatorial Guinea, a country led by another author of coup, Obiang Nguema (35 years in power) …. Many other presidents have seized power for decades and are not ready to go: Dos Santos (35 years), Robert Mugabe (34 years as PM and PR) Paul Biya (32 years), Sassou Ngesso (30 years), Museveni (28 years), Isaias Afwerki (23 years), Yahya Jammey (20 years) etc, the list goes on …. Unfortunately they are the African Union decision makers … So who can say what to whom?

What is the way forward?

1- The Commission of the African Union and its leadership must play their role as the engine of the Union seizing appropriate opportunities to publicly remind Heads of States of the commitments contained in the beautiful texts and principles they themselves, adopted including the shared values

2. The AU should make a serious, honest and non-discriminatory efforts to encourage citizens’ participation in its business and make the AU and its challenges better known to African citizens.

3- The AU Commission must react faster and make upstream position on the basis of existing texts and principles when such problems arise. This would catalyse its credibility with populations

4. The Union and the Commission should understand that without the support of the African people the organization is doomed to failure. It must work seriously to show people concrete acts and facts it can generate. I am convinced that it is capable if the political will and courage are there.

5- Having worked for 8 years with the African Union (not for AU ), I am convinced that the AU is full of important resources and potentials that are still unused … leadership must be depoliticized and get to work with courage with the sole objective a collective welfare and the future of Africa, which already lags far behind.

PS: My opinions are personal, they are that of a son of the continent and do not commit the organization for which I work.

I also recommend you read my blog last week: Options for Burkina Faso https://assodesire.wordpress.com/2014/10/31/quelles-sont-les-options-pour-le-burkina-faso/

Par Désiré Assogbavi

Suite aux évènements qui ont cours au Burkina Faso et qui ont conduit à la chute du régime de Blaise Compaoré et à la prise du pouvoir par les militaires, le Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité de ‘Union Africaine s’était réuni le 3 Novembre 2014  et avait donné un délai  de 15  jours aux militaires pour remettre le pouvoir a une autorité civile de consensus.   Le Conseil a notamment « exigé que l’Armée du Burkina Faso quitte le pouvoir, qui doit être transféré à une autorité civile, conformément à la Constitution, dans un délai maximal de deux semaines … »

Ceci est certainement une prise de position catégorique en faveur de la primauté du droit et de la démocratie auxquelles aspirent nos frères et sœurs du Faso. Mais alors que je m’attendais (peut être naïvement) à une réaction très positive et de soulagement du peuple Burkinabè face à ce soutien de l’UA les commentaires des internautes du Faso et d’ailleurs nous interpellent. En voici une sélection que j’ai copiée sur le site de RFI tout en évitant les plus insultants :

• « Où était l’UA, ce syndicat de dictateurs, quand Compaoré menaçait la démocratie en refusant aux Burkinabè le droit à l’alternance? Ce que nous voulons, c’est une Union africaine des peuples, qui se préoccupe un peu plus du progrès du continent »

• « L’UA !!! ça existe toujours??? »

• « Que l’UA aille se faire voir en l’enfer. Où était ce SYNDICAT DE MALHONNETE quand Blaise voulait faire son coup constitutionnel? Qu’est-ce que l’UA a dit ou fait quand l’OTAN a tué son père Kadhafi? » Ils ne s’occupent que de leurs poches, de leurs VENTRES…

• « Quand Blaise matait la révolution on n’a entendu ni l’UA ni la France ni les USA ni l’ONU… »

•  « Nous demandons à l’UA de dire un mot sur ce qui se passe en RDC avant qu’il ne soit trop tard, bientôt il y aura révolte contre la révision constitutionnelle

• « L’Union Africaine est une organisation à supprimer sur la liste des organisations internationales a cause de son inefficacité… » 

• « pourquoi l’UA n’a pas voulu sanctionner Blaise Compaoré lorsqu’il voulait modifier l’article 37 et maintenant c’est le peuple Burkinabé qu’elle veut sanctionner honte à toutes ses institutions »

• « Mieux vaut pour l’UA de s’occuper d’Ébola, nous réglons nos affaires… »

En toute honnêteté, ces commentaires sont le reflet d’un sentiment réel éprouvé par les fils et filles de notre continent face à la seule organisation panafricaine  dont nous disposons. Ces commentaires doivent interpeller l’Union Africaine e son leadership. Ces commentaires doivent être pris au plus grand sérieux. L’Union Africaine a réagi positivement mais hélas trop tard… comme d’habitude… après que le peuple ait lui-même chassé le dictateur avec tous les risques que cela comportait. Il n’y a pas eu une seule déclaration de principe en direction de Compaoré depuis qu’il machinait pour changer la Constitution  afin de briguer un autre mandat après 27  ans de pouvoir absolu suite à l’assassiné Thoma Sankara, Lingani et Zongo.  Aujourd’hui,  l’Union Africaine est elle-même dirigée un autre auteur de Coup d’Etat le Mauritanien Abdel Aziz… le Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité est présidé par la Guinée Equatorial, pays dirigé par un autre auteur de coup d’Etat, Obiang Nguema  (35 ans au pouvoir)…. Beaucoup d’autres présidents ont confisqué le pouvoir depuis des décennies et ne sont pas prêts à partir : Dos Santos (35 ans), Robert Mugabe (34 ans comme PM puis PR) Paul Biya (32 ans), Museveni (28 ans), Yahya Jammey (20 ans) etc, la liste est longue…. Malheureusement ils constituent l’Union Africaine … Alors qui peut dire quoi a qui ?

Que faut-il faire ?

1. La Commission de l’Union Africaine et son leadership doivent effectivement jouer leur rôle de moteur de l’Union en saisissant les occasions appropriées pour rappeler publiquement aux Chefs d’Etats  les contenus des beaux textes et principes  qu’ils ont eux-mêmes adoptés y compris les valeurs partagées
2. L’Union doit faire un effort sérieux, honnête et non-discriminatoire pour encourager la participation citoyenne dans ses affaires et mieux faire connaitre l’Union et ses défis aux citoyens africains.
3. La Commission de l’Union doit réagir plus promptement et prendre position en amont sur la base des textes et principes déjà existants quand de pareils problèmes de posent. Ceci catalyserait sa crédibilité auprès des populations
4. L’Union et la Commission doivent comprendre que sans le soutien des populations africaines l’organisation serait vouée à l’échec. Elle doit donc travailler sérieusement pour montrer aux populations des actes et faits concrets qu’elle peut générer. Je suis convaincu qu’elle en est capable si la volonté politique et le courage y sont.
5. Pour avoir travaillé pendant 8 ans auprès de l’Union Africaine (pas pour l’Union Africaine), je suis convaincu que l’Union regorge de ressources importantes et de potentialités qui sont encore non-utilisées… le leadership doit être dépolitisé et se mettre au travail avec courage en ayant comme seul objectif le bienêtre commun et l’avenir de l’Afrique qui accuse déjà beaucoup de retard.

NB : Je précise que mes opinions sont personnelles, elles sont celle d’un fils du continent et n’engagent aucunement l’organisation pour laquelle je travaille.

Je vous recommande aussi de lire mon blog de la semaine dernière : Quelles Options pour le Burkina Faso ? https://assodesire.wordpress.com/2014/10/31/quelles-sont-les-options-pour-le-burkina-faso/

 

1. Establish a consensual transitional government with a Prime Minister and Ministers who agree not to run for the next presidential election, regardless of whether He/She comes from the army or not, but it should be a civilian PM . The PM must have executive power.
2. It is important that Blaise Compaore is out of the transition for several reasons: He has no more legitimacy before the people even if he remains the “elected ” president. Given his past and his implications in a number of issues on the continent starting with Burkina Faso , Blaise is still able to dribble everybody and rely on a part of the army if his given time, He can  even complicate the situation and make it unmanageable …. I fear disappearances and other retaliations…. I also fear economic crimes which may affect the country. It is important to turn the page here and now.
3. However, to avoid giving the shadow of Coup d’Etat to the situation and make sure it does not become the only way out in Africa, Blaise can be simply asked to resign against a calm and quiet way out. If he refuses, then he should be forced out by all possible means and why not bring him to court?
4. Another option is to keep him if he wants to remain president to finish his term but appoint a strong Prime Minister with executive powers.
5. There is a need for a People’s Council, an interim parliament for the one-year transition which should lead to democratic elections. The Council will be able to monitor the Government. It must be inclusive but with not too strong power.
6. The army must be represented in the bodies of the transition but must not interfere as such in the conduct of the business. The transition must absolutely be led by civilians and the military must be in their service.
7. An election timetable should be adopted and strictly adhered to. But a mechanism allowing some flexibility is needed to avoid bottlenecks that could justify other disorders.
8. A Regional Contact Group of the African Union , ECOWAS and other partners should be set up to ensure compliance with the transition plan.

Finally, victims of the recent events must be treated with dignity. They should get into the History of Burkina Faso.

1- Former un gouvernement consensuel de transition avec un Premier Ministre et des Ministres qui acceptent de ne pas se présenter aux prochaines élections présidentielles. Peu importe s’il ou elle vient de l’armée mais il doit être un PM civil. Le PM doit avoir un pouvoir exécutif.

Il importe que Blaise soit écarté pour plusieurs raisons: Il n’a plus de légitimité devant le peuple même s’il demeure le Président “élu”. Vu son passé et ses implications dans un certain nombre de basses besognes à son actif sur le continent à commencer par le Burkina Faso, Blaise est capable de dribbler encore tout le monde et s’appuyer sur une partie de l’armee s’il a du temps, au même de compliquer la situation et de la rendre ingerable…. Je crains des disparitions et autres règlements de comptes…. Je crains aussi des crimes economiques qui peuvent remettre en cause les aquis du BF. Il importe de tourner la page ici et maintenant.

Cependant, pour éviter de donner la connotation de Coup D’Etat à la situation, et éviter ça ne fasse tâche d’huile, on pourra demander a Blaise tout simplement de démissionner contre une sortie calme et tranquille. S’il refuse, on le boute dehors par tous les moyens possibles et pourquoi pas le juger….

2- Une autre option est de le garder s’il tient à rester President pour finir son mandat mais on lui flanque un Premier Ministre fort avec pouvoir exécutif.

3- Il faut en plus une sorte de Conseil du Peuple, un parlement provisoire pour la transition d’un an qui doit aboutir aux élections démocratiques. le Conseil constituera un contre pouvoir pour surveiller l’exécutif. Il dois être composé de façon très variée incluant toutes les couches sociales du pays avec un pouvoir législatif pas trop fort.

L’armée doit être représentée dans les instances de la transition mais ne doit pas interférer en tant que tel dans la conduite des affaires. La transition doit absolument être dirigée par des civiles et l’armée doit être à leur service.

Un calendrier électoral doit être adopté et scrupuleusement respecté. Mais il faut un mécanisme permettant un peu de flexibilité pour éviter des blocages qui pourraient justifier d’autres désordres.

Un Groupe Regional de Contact de l’Union Africaine, la CEDEAO et autres partenaires doit etre mis en place pour veiller au respect du plan de transition.

Il faut enfin un traitement digne des victimes des événements… Elles doivent rentrer dans l’histoire du Faso.

 

By Desire Assogbavi – 12th August 2014

I have spent 3 days last week in Washington DC to observe and engage the first Africa – USA Leaders’ Summit held from 4 – 6 August 2014 in Washington DC, where over 50 African countries representatives including 37 Heads of state had direct interactions with their American counterparts. Several civil society events were also organized prior and during the Summit. The summit was set around 3 major thematic: Investing in Africa’s Future, Peace & Regional Stability and Governing for the Next Generation. Here are a summary of the outcomes as well as some personal reflections….

Highlights

A total of 37 Billion mobilized as a commitment from public and private sector to enhance trade, investment, essential services and security across Africa. These include the following:

$14 billion to be invested in aviation, banking, infrastructure and clean, renewable energy development

$12 billion in new funding to the Power Africa Initiative, bringing the total funding for the program to $26 billion. Power Africa Initiative will electrify an estimated 60 million households and businesses, nearly tripling its original target

$7 billion to facilitate U.S.-Africa trade and investment under the Doing Business in Africa (DBIA) Campaign

$4 billion to promote maternal health, children’s health, and the delivery of vaccines and drugs. More support to nutrition and HIV: Pledged to work with 10 countries to help double the number of children with access to ARVs and assist the African Union efforts to create an African Centre for Disease Control.

Lowlights: Governance and Human Rights

With the presence of some of the most brutal and long serving African autocrats having troubling records on human rights and civil liberties, the Summit could have had in-depth discussions agree on strong and concrete actions on issues of governance, human rights and civic space as fundamental prerequisites for business success. President Obama drew the diplomatic line by not inviting Omar Bashir and Robert Mugabe to the Summit but, rolling out the red carpet for leaders like Obiang Nguema, Yahya Jammey or Blaise Compaore  – some of those being in power for 20-35 years – simply showed that business and security interests can easily surpass the need to uphold universal human and civil rights and accountable institutions.

Human Rights Scandals in Washington: During the Summit in Washington, a Congolese demonstrator has been  attacked and severely beaten by  President Joseph Kabila’s guards while him and other Congolese were peacefully demonstrating on the street when Kabila was passing.  The US asked DR Congo to waive immunity for the guards so they could face prosecution in the US, but the guards instead left the country  and were unlikely to face charges. State Department said they have also asked the delegation of Gambia to waive immunity for a guard after President Yahya Jammeh’s security detail similarly cracked down on protesters outside his hotel.

Specific Commitments and other issues

Peace and Security: The United States will build a new security governance initiative to help African countries of Kenya, Niger, Mali, Nigeria, Ghana and Tunisia to build strong professional security forces to build their own security especially in response to terrorism and human trafficking.  It will invest $110 million per year for 3-5 years to help Africa Union’s efforts to strengthen its peacekeeping institutions – launching a new African peacekeeping rapid response partnership that will enable states to quickly deploy African peacekeepers in support of UN or AU Missions. This partnership will begin with 6 countries: Senegal, Ghana, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. The U.S. also pledged to provide additional equipment to African peacekeepers in Somalia and the Central African Republic

Illicit Capital Flow and Corruption: New partnership agreed upon to combat illicit finance. An experts group will develop an action plan to promote the transparency.

Promoting Next Generation African Leaders: Commitment for a partnership in supporting young entrepreneurs, including through Obama’s Young African Leaders Initiative was made. Summit also announced new initiatives for promoting economic and leadership opportunities among the youth. Prior to the Summit, President Obama met with 500 young Africans leaders taking part in his Young Africa Leaders Initiatives (YALI) and has promised to double the number of participants from the coming year.

Just a Competition to China? President Obama called Africa “a good partner, an equal partner, and a partner for the long term”, was this initiative, just a hidden competition to China’s presence in Africa? China’s trade with Africa passed 200 Billion in 2013 with over 2000 Chinese firms present in 50 African countries and China said it would extend $1 trillion of loans to Africa by 2015, most of it via its own Export-Import Bank. In any case this competition is likely to be profitable for Africa if the continent manages it well.

AGOA and Intra-Africa Trade: The African Growth Opportunity Act launched 14 years ago gives duty-free incentives for African countries to open their market in order to boost their trade with the US. In Washington last week, African leaders praised AGOA and requested its renewal next year.   There was a general agreement for a long-term renewal of AGOA on due course but the Washington Summit was not set for that. But, while enjoying AGOA, African country must accelerate to move toward an Africa Free Trade Area to enable trades within African Countries. Despite a timid start, intra-African trade links are very weak. The bulk of the continent’s trade is with Europe and America: only 12% or less is with other African countries, according to research by Ecobank, a Togo-based bank. By comparison 60% of Europe’s trade is with its own continent. The same is true in Asia. In North America the figure is 40%. Some commentators argue that countries in Africa have nothing to trade with each other… I do not agree with that. The continent has so many to trade within while developing home grown industry,

Continued Dialogue: US-Africa Leaders agreed that the Summit will be a recurring event to ensure accountability to commitments and to sustain its momentum, with Obama pledging to encourage his successor to carry on this work.

African Union Peace and Security Council Retreat on the Review of the Livingston Formula

for Civil Society engagement with the Peace and Security Council of the AU

Maseru, 22 February 2014 

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Presentation by:

Mr. Désiré Assogbavi

Resident Representative of Oxfam International to the African Union 

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen;

First of all, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho , Chair of the Peace and Security Council for the month of February 2014, and to the PSC for inviting me as a resource person to contribute into the debates of this retreat relating to the Council’s relation with civil society organizations.

We do have operational presence in 33 countries in Africa including the most conflict affected countries…. And we spend about 500 Million USD every year on humanitarian relieve and socio development projects in the continent.

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen;

The African Union represents today one of the greatest assets for our continent. It has become an unavoidable instrument to lead on, to manage and resolve various problems that our continent and its people are facing.

The Peace and Security Council, is,  in our view, not only one of the most important organs within the architecture of the continental body but also one of the most effective, innovative and progressive organs in the whole system. Allowing us, citizens to directly engage with your gathering is really a progressive move.

The Audit Report of the African Union a few years ago stated:the AU through the PSC has brought visibility and credibility to Africa in the area of peace and security. It is now invariably that the PSC takes the lead in dealing with conflicts in Africa followed by the international community’’.

Today, the involvement of a diverse range of actors, including civil society and the private sector, is essential for effective action on continental priorities.

By its immersion within the society and its preservation of an identity that is distinct from States, civil society has vocation to contribute in peace building initiatives. You will agree with me that civil society has shown its capacity to organize the collection, the analysis and the evaluation of first hand information. This allows the identification of the sources of potential tensions as well as emerging conflicts.

The characteristics of security issues addressed by the African Union today are radically different from those of the previous decades. Today’s conflicts appear to be more complex than ever and their nature, are then obliging us to change the ways of resolving them.

“Traditional” conflicts were well understood by diplomats and specialists in political science, BUT, addressing new conflicts adequately requires much more on-the-ground  knowledge, new skills of social and cultural analysis, the active involvement of communities and their leaders, links to vulnerable groups etc, and new ways of working.  Civil society organizations, most of the times, have unique capacities in those areas.

 NGOs who are on the ground, doing humanitarian work, who are touching those societies, looking into the eyes of the people in danger, learning who they are and what is going on, who the factions are and what relations people have with their leaders– much of those things, never gets to the table of your Council.

Humanitarian NGOs and other categories of civil society often have first-hand information and strong comparative advantages in all these new needs.  Our aspiration is to be given the opportunity to share more and more often with you those information and analysis to inform your deliberations.

Switching in French!

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs ;

En Décembre 2008, j’ai eu l’honneur de m’adresser à votre Conseil à Livingston, lors de votre délibération qui a abouti à l’adoption de la Formule de Livingston.

5 ans après, il importe de relever les importants progrès enregistrés….

En effet, le Conseil a organisé un certain  nombre de débats publics au cours desquelles, les organisations de la société civile et plus précisément les citoyens africains, y compris ceux affectés par les conflits  ont  eu l’opportunité de vous parler  directement. Mon bureau a Addis Abéba utilise la moities de ses ressources pour soutenir les ONGs africaines à coopérer avec l’union Africaine. De la même manière, votre Conseil s’est montré très ouvert vis-à-vis des acteurs non étatiques pour organiser des actions conjointes des séances de briefing etc.

Cependant Excellences, l’interaction des OSC avec le Conseil est restée la plus part du temps très informelle, et beaucoup d’opportunités  ont été perdues du fait que, l’organe désigné pour faciliter cette interaction, l’ECOSOCC, n’as pas été à la hauteur de la tache au cours des 5 dernières années. En effet, aucune rencontre annuelle du Conseil avec les OSC n’a eu lieu depuis l’adoption du Livinstone Formula.

Au-delà de cette réalité,  les conditions posé par l’article 6 du statut de ECOSOCC, repris par la Formule de Livingston a empêché les ONG Africaines qui ont une expérience remarquable dans les domaines d’Action du Conseil d’être membre de l’ECOSOCC et donc de pouvoir effectivement jouer un rôle déterminant  dans la mise en œuvre de la formule.

Je rappelle que ces conditions comprennent, l’exigence pour les ONG en question d’avoir au moins 50% de leurs ressources provenant de leurs propre membres.   Il est tout à  fait justifié que les ONG Internationale ne soient pas membre de l’ECOSOCC, mais les ONG africaines dont la moities des ressources proviennes de leur membres, sont pour la plus part du temps des syndicats ou associations professionnels ou des organisations qui n’ont que très peu d’expérience et de moyens dans le domaine de la paix et de la securite.   Cette situation pourra changer dans l’avenir à mesure que notre continent bénéficie des fruits de la croissance, l’émergence des organisations caritatives et fondations africaines, mais nous devons attendre encore un peu.

Par ailleurs, les conditions actuelles posées par la formule de Livingston ne permettent qu’as très peu d’organisations, non-basées a Addis Abéba de travailler de façon régulière avec le Conseil.

A notre humble avis, le Conseil gagnerait beaucoup en puisant des expériences de terrain des ONG qui opèrent effectivement dans les zones affectées par les conflits.

Excellence mesdames et messieurs les Ambassadeurs,

Au vu de ce qui précède, j’ai l’honneur de soumettre à l’appréciation du Conseil, les propositions suivantes :

1/Que le Conseil responsabilise son Secrétariat, pour faciliter l’interaction avec les ONGs, — du moins pour une période intérimaire, le temps que les problèmes institutionnels de ECOSOCC soit régler.

Ceci renforcera d’ailleurs, le principe selon lequel, le Conseil demeure maitre de ses opérations.

2/Que le Conseil assouplisse les règles d’éligibilité à interagir avec lui, en considérant   au-delà de tout, les avantages comparatifs, l’expérience de terrain, la spécialité, la proximité d’avec les victimes  etc. Ceci reviendra à abandonner la référence  à l’article 6 du Statut de ECOSOCC comme critère à remplir  pour interagir avec vous.

3/ Que le Conseil ou ses membres organisent des réunions plus régulières avec les OSC, peut-être du type « formule Arria »

La formule Aria avait été inventée et employée par l’ONU pour tirer profit de la valeur ajoutée des OSC au travail du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU. De telles réunions ont été limitées d’abord aux hauts fonctionnaires des Etats et OI. L’initiative a été élargie par la suite pour inclure des groupes de la société civile particulièrement les ONG humanitaires et des droits de l’homme. Les réunions de La formule Arria se tiennent en dehors de la salle de session du Conseil de Sécurité. Ces réunions ne sont forcément pas présidées par le Président du Conseil, mais par n’importe quelle délégation qui en prend l’initiative. Aujourd’hui, les réunions du type formule Arria ont lieu pratiquement tous les mois, parfois plus d’une fois par mois mais aucune décision n’y est prisent.

En raison de son caractère informel et de sa nature, ad hoc, le CPS pourra expérimenter cette formule, parallèlement aux rencontres formelles annuelles.  Le CPS pourra l’adapter à son contexte particulier afin d’avoir des interactions plus régulières avec les OSC.

Pour terminer mes propos, j’aimerai attirer votre attention sur 2 domaines importants dans le cadre de votre collaboration avec la société civile, des domaines qui méritent d’être considérés de façon spéciale :

• Il s’agit d’abord de la mise sur pied de mécanismes qui vous permette de prendre en compte les alertes precoces venant des acteurs non-étatiques, mais aussi et surtout de leurs traitement rapide en terme de décision politiques 
•  
• Il s’agit ensuite de l’implication plus systématique de la société civile dans l’organisation des  visites de terrain du Conseil.
• Je vous remercie de votre attention et je vous souhaite de bonnes discussions.