Africa-USA Summit: Highlights and Lowlights

By Desire Assogbavi – 12th August 2014

I have spent 3 days last week in Washington DC to observe and engage the first Africa – USA Leaders’ Summit held from 4 – 6 August 2014 in Washington DC, where over 50 African countries representatives including 37 Heads of state had direct interactions with their American counterparts. Several civil society events were also organized prior and during the Summit. The summit was set around 3 major thematic: Investing in Africa’s Future, Peace & Regional Stability and Governing for the Next Generation. Here are a summary of the outcomes as well as some personal reflections….

Highlights

A total of 37 Billion mobilized as a commitment from public and private sector to enhance trade, investment, essential services and security across Africa. These include the following:

$14 billion to be invested in aviation, banking, infrastructure and clean, renewable energy development

$12 billion in new funding to the Power Africa Initiative, bringing the total funding for the program to $26 billion. Power Africa Initiative will electrify an estimated 60 million households and businesses, nearly tripling its original target

$7 billion to facilitate U.S.-Africa trade and investment under the Doing Business in Africa (DBIA) Campaign

$4 billion to promote maternal health, children’s health, and the delivery of vaccines and drugs. More support to nutrition and HIV: Pledged to work with 10 countries to help double the number of children with access to ARVs and assist the African Union efforts to create an African Centre for Disease Control.

Lowlights: Governance and Human Rights

With the presence of some of the most brutal and long serving African autocrats having troubling records on human rights and civil liberties, the Summit could have had in-depth discussions agree on strong and concrete actions on issues of governance, human rights and civic space as fundamental prerequisites for business success. President Obama drew the diplomatic line by not inviting Omar Bashir and Robert Mugabe to the Summit but, rolling out the red carpet for leaders like Obiang Nguema, Yahya Jammey or Blaise Compaore  – some of those being in power for 20-35 years – simply showed that business and security interests can easily surpass the need to uphold universal human and civil rights and accountable institutions.

Human Rights Scandals in Washington: During the Summit in Washington, a Congolese demonstrator has been  attacked and severely beaten by  President Joseph Kabila’s guards while him and other Congolese were peacefully demonstrating on the street when Kabila was passing.  The US asked DR Congo to waive immunity for the guards so they could face prosecution in the US, but the guards instead left the country  and were unlikely to face charges. State Department said they have also asked the delegation of Gambia to waive immunity for a guard after President Yahya Jammeh’s security detail similarly cracked down on protesters outside his hotel.

Specific Commitments and other issues

Peace and Security: The United States will build a new security governance initiative to help African countries of Kenya, Niger, Mali, Nigeria, Ghana and Tunisia to build strong professional security forces to build their own security especially in response to terrorism and human trafficking.  It will invest $110 million per year for 3-5 years to help Africa Union’s efforts to strengthen its peacekeeping institutions – launching a new African peacekeeping rapid response partnership that will enable states to quickly deploy African peacekeepers in support of UN or AU Missions. This partnership will begin with 6 countries: Senegal, Ghana, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. The U.S. also pledged to provide additional equipment to African peacekeepers in Somalia and the Central African Republic

Illicit Capital Flow and Corruption: New partnership agreed upon to combat illicit finance. An experts group will develop an action plan to promote the transparency.

Promoting Next Generation African Leaders: Commitment for a partnership in supporting young entrepreneurs, including through Obama’s Young African Leaders Initiative was made. Summit also announced new initiatives for promoting economic and leadership opportunities among the youth. Prior to the Summit, President Obama met with 500 young Africans leaders taking part in his Young Africa Leaders Initiatives (YALI) and has promised to double the number of participants from the coming year.

Just a Competition to China? President Obama called Africa “a good partner, an equal partner, and a partner for the long term”, was this initiative, just a hidden competition to China’s presence in Africa? China’s trade with Africa passed 200 Billion in 2013 with over 2000 Chinese firms present in 50 African countries and China said it would extend $1 trillion of loans to Africa by 2015, most of it via its own Export-Import Bank. In any case this competition is likely to be profitable for Africa if the continent manages it well.

AGOA and Intra-Africa Trade: The African Growth Opportunity Act launched 14 years ago gives duty-free incentives for African countries to open their market in order to boost their trade with the US. In Washington last week, African leaders praised AGOA and requested its renewal next year.   There was a general agreement for a long-term renewal of AGOA on due course but the Washington Summit was not set for that. But, while enjoying AGOA, African country must accelerate to move toward an Africa Free Trade Area to enable trades within African Countries. Despite a timid start, intra-African trade links are very weak. The bulk of the continent’s trade is with Europe and America: only 12% or less is with other African countries, according to research by Ecobank, a Togo-based bank. By comparison 60% of Europe’s trade is with its own continent. The same is true in Asia. In North America the figure is 40%. Some commentators argue that countries in Africa have nothing to trade with each other… I do not agree with that. The continent has so many to trade within while developing home grown industry,

Continued Dialogue: US-Africa Leaders agreed that the Summit will be a recurring event to ensure accountability to commitments and to sustain its momentum, with Obama pledging to encourage his successor to carry on this work.

Civil Society engagement with the Peace and Security Council of the AU…

African Union Peace and Security Council Retreat on the Review of the Livingston Formula

for Civil Society engagement with the Peace and Security Council of the AU

Maseru, 22 February 2014 

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Presentation by:

Mr. Désiré Assogbavi

Resident Representative of Oxfam International to the African Union 

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen;

First of all, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho , Chair of the Peace and Security Council for the month of February 2014, and to the PSC for inviting me as a resource person to contribute into the debates of this retreat relating to the Council’s relation with civil society organizations.

We do have operational presence in 33 countries in Africa including the most conflict affected countries…. And we spend about 500 Million USD every year on humanitarian relieve and socio development projects in the continent.

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen;

The African Union represents today one of the greatest assets for our continent. It has become an unavoidable instrument to lead on, to manage and resolve various problems that our continent and its people are facing.

The Peace and Security Council, is,  in our view, not only one of the most important organs within the architecture of the continental body but also one of the most effective, innovative and progressive organs in the whole system. Allowing us, citizens to directly engage with your gathering is really a progressive move.

The Audit Report of the African Union a few years ago stated:the AU through the PSC has brought visibility and credibility to Africa in the area of peace and security. It is now invariably that the PSC takes the lead in dealing with conflicts in Africa followed by the international community’’.

Today, the involvement of a diverse range of actors, including civil society and the private sector, is essential for effective action on continental priorities.

By its immersion within the society and its preservation of an identity that is distinct from States, civil society has vocation to contribute in peace building initiatives. You will agree with me that civil society has shown its capacity to organize the collection, the analysis and the evaluation of first hand information. This allows the identification of the sources of potential tensions as well as emerging conflicts.

The characteristics of security issues addressed by the African Union today are radically different from those of the previous decades. Today’s conflicts appear to be more complex than ever and their nature, are then obliging us to change the ways of resolving them.

“Traditional” conflicts were well understood by diplomats and specialists in political science, BUT, addressing new conflicts adequately requires much more on-the-ground  knowledge, new skills of social and cultural analysis, the active involvement of communities and their leaders, links to vulnerable groups etc, and new ways of working.  Civil society organizations, most of the times, have unique capacities in those areas.

 NGOs who are on the ground, doing humanitarian work, who are touching those societies, looking into the eyes of the people in danger, learning who they are and what is going on, who the factions are and what relations people have with their leaders– much of those things, never gets to the table of your Council.

Humanitarian NGOs and other categories of civil society often have first-hand information and strong comparative advantages in all these new needs.  Our aspiration is to be given the opportunity to share more and more often with you those information and analysis to inform your deliberations.

Switching in French!

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs ;

En Décembre 2008, j’ai eu l’honneur de m’adresser à votre Conseil à Livingston, lors de votre délibération qui a abouti à l’adoption de la Formule de Livingston.

5 ans après, il importe de relever les importants progrès enregistrés….

En effet, le Conseil a organisé un certain  nombre de débats publics au cours desquelles, les organisations de la société civile et plus précisément les citoyens africains, y compris ceux affectés par les conflits  ont  eu l’opportunité de vous parler  directement. Mon bureau a Addis Abéba utilise la moities de ses ressources pour soutenir les ONGs africaines à coopérer avec l’union Africaine. De la même manière, votre Conseil s’est montré très ouvert vis-à-vis des acteurs non étatiques pour organiser des actions conjointes des séances de briefing etc.

Cependant Excellences, l’interaction des OSC avec le Conseil est restée la plus part du temps très informelle, et beaucoup d’opportunités  ont été perdues du fait que, l’organe désigné pour faciliter cette interaction, l’ECOSOCC, n’as pas été à la hauteur de la tache au cours des 5 dernières années. En effet, aucune rencontre annuelle du Conseil avec les OSC n’a eu lieu depuis l’adoption du Livinstone Formula.

Au-delà de cette réalité,  les conditions posé par l’article 6 du statut de ECOSOCC, repris par la Formule de Livingston a empêché les ONG Africaines qui ont une expérience remarquable dans les domaines d’Action du Conseil d’être membre de l’ECOSOCC et donc de pouvoir effectivement jouer un rôle déterminant  dans la mise en œuvre de la formule.

Je rappelle que ces conditions comprennent, l’exigence pour les ONG en question d’avoir au moins 50% de leurs ressources provenant de leurs propre membres.   Il est tout à  fait justifié que les ONG Internationale ne soient pas membre de l’ECOSOCC, mais les ONG africaines dont la moities des ressources proviennes de leur membres, sont pour la plus part du temps des syndicats ou associations professionnels ou des organisations qui n’ont que très peu d’expérience et de moyens dans le domaine de la paix et de la securite.   Cette situation pourra changer dans l’avenir à mesure que notre continent bénéficie des fruits de la croissance, l’émergence des organisations caritatives et fondations africaines, mais nous devons attendre encore un peu.

Par ailleurs, les conditions actuelles posées par la formule de Livingston ne permettent qu’as très peu d’organisations, non-basées a Addis Abéba de travailler de façon régulière avec le Conseil.

A notre humble avis, le Conseil gagnerait beaucoup en puisant des expériences de terrain des ONG qui opèrent effectivement dans les zones affectées par les conflits.

Excellence mesdames et messieurs les Ambassadeurs,

Au vu de ce qui précède, j’ai l’honneur de soumettre à l’appréciation du Conseil, les propositions suivantes :

1/Que le Conseil responsabilise son Secrétariat, pour faciliter l’interaction avec les ONGs, — du moins pour une période intérimaire, le temps que les problèmes institutionnels de ECOSOCC soit régler.

Ceci renforcera d’ailleurs, le principe selon lequel, le Conseil demeure maitre de ses opérations.

2/Que le Conseil assouplisse les règles d’éligibilité à interagir avec lui, en considérant   au-delà de tout, les avantages comparatifs, l’expérience de terrain, la spécialité, la proximité d’avec les victimes  etc. Ceci reviendra à abandonner la référence  à l’article 6 du Statut de ECOSOCC comme critère à remplir  pour interagir avec vous.

3/ Que le Conseil ou ses membres organisent des réunions plus régulières avec les OSC, peut-être du type « formule Arria »

La formule Aria avait été inventée et employée par l’ONU pour tirer profit de la valeur ajoutée des OSC au travail du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU. De telles réunions ont été limitées d’abord aux hauts fonctionnaires des Etats et OI. L’initiative a été élargie par la suite pour inclure des groupes de la société civile particulièrement les ONG humanitaires et des droits de l’homme. Les réunions de La formule Arria se tiennent en dehors de la salle de session du Conseil de Sécurité. Ces réunions ne sont forcément pas présidées par le Président du Conseil, mais par n’importe quelle délégation qui en prend l’initiative. Aujourd’hui, les réunions du type formule Arria ont lieu pratiquement tous les mois, parfois plus d’une fois par mois mais aucune décision n’y est prisent.

En raison de son caractère informel et de sa nature, ad hoc, le CPS pourra expérimenter cette formule, parallèlement aux rencontres formelles annuelles.  Le CPS pourra l’adapter à son contexte particulier afin d’avoir des interactions plus régulières avec les OSC.

Pour terminer mes propos, j’aimerai attirer votre attention sur 2 domaines importants dans le cadre de votre collaboration avec la société civile, des domaines qui méritent d’être considérés de façon spéciale :

  • Il s’agit d’abord de la mise sur pied de mécanismes qui vous permette de prendre en compte les alertes precoces venant des acteurs non-étatiques, mais aussi et surtout de leurs traitement rapide en terme de décision politiques 
  •  
  • Il s’agit ensuite de l’implication plus systématique de la société civile dans l’organisation des  visites de terrain du Conseil.
  • Je vous remercie de votre attention et je vous souhaite de bonnes discussions.

 

Silencing the guns in Africa

“silencing the guns: Pre-requisites for realising a conflict-free africa by the year 2020” 

Intervention of Desire Assogbavi, Head of Oxfam Liaison Office with the African Union at the Peace and Security Council of the AU – 24 April 2014 

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Excellencies, Distinguish Guests

Allow me on behalf of Oxfam to thank the PSC and the Nigerian presidency, for the choice of this important topic and for inviting us to this public debate.

As we meet today, our continent is celebrated for its increasing economic growth of an average of 5% over the last 10 years.  However, it is also saddening that an important part of our continent is still enduring continued conflicts, insecurity and violence. Despite efforts towards conflict resolution in Africa over the last decade, new and old conflicts continue to delay our development…. Causes and actors are diverse. Their names are Al Shabaab, LRA, Boko haram, Janjaweed, anti-Balaka, Seleka…. But also some government actors, visible and invisible.

The sources of  conflicts in Africa are many. However, inequitable distribution of power and wealth, unfair and unaccountable governance added to illicit flow of arms, have fuelled majority of conflicts and armed violence in our continent, claiming hundreds of thousands of lives and causing us the lost of 18 billion USD per year.  Therefore our actions must be equally multidimensional.

 To achieve the ambitious target of an Africa free of conflicts in 2020, a number of urgent issues need to be addressed… Because of time, I will only mention 3 of them:

1.Early and Courageous Response to early warnings – Existing frameworks such as the continental early warning system and the African Peer Review Mechanism have always detected potential conflicts ahead of time. However, in most of the cases, the warnings have been minimized or simply ignored… Who did not know a year ago that South Sudan was likely to burn? Was the Central Africa Republic conflict a surprise?  —- Our decision making bodies at the highest level must detach from the current polite diplomacy to take courageous actions…. when democratic principles and HR are being violated…. when important AU principles such as unconstitutional change of government are violated, when elections do not reflect the true will of citizens.

 

2. Addressing the challenges of illicit trade of Arms – most of the arms used in our conflicts are fabricated outside of our continent. A commentator noted recently that, bananas, tomatoes and bubble gum are more restricted in markets than the trade of AK-47. The AU should aim for a universal ratification of the Arms Trade Treaty,   and for its robust implementation, through regional cooperation. The ATT is expected to come into force in September this year.  So far 27 African nations have signed the Treaty but only Mali and Nigeria have ratifie We recommend that your Council call for a mass and immediate ratification of the ATT by all member states as a sign of good will.

3. Strengthen the role of the Panel of the Wise – Identifying eminent personalities, with necessary experience, intellectual and physical ability to engage in ‘good office’ and shuttle diplomacy.  The AU PoW should be established in a way that its members serve as a standby poll of Envoys for the AUC Chairperson and PSC whenever mediation is needed

I thank you!

China-Africa Relations and Peace and Security: The Case of Darfur

In recent years, China’s engagement in Africa has expanded dramatically. Africa-China trade increased tenfold between 1999 and 2006. Chinese political and business leaders regularly visit the continent, while China continues to invest heavily and provide development assistance across Africa. In return, China is securing access to natural resources that Beijing considers essential to its continued development.

Some analysts argue that China-Africa relations have opened a new era for Africa’s development and introduced a different model of cooperation. Yet China’s engagement also raises serious questions about peace and security, among the continent’s most pressing challenges and a major obstacle to African integration.

This chapter examines the impact of the emerging China-Africa partnership on peace and security in Africa, focusing particularly on the conflict in Darfur.

Strong Economic Interests

China is now the world’s second-largest consumer of oil. More than 25 per cent of its oil imports come from the Gulf of Guinea and Sudan. Chinese investment in Africa stands at approximately $1.5 billion a year, and at least 700 Chinese enterprises operate across the continent. China has also written off $1.3 billion in debt owed by African countries, generating considerable goodwill toward Beijing.

China’s new strategic partnership with Africa effectively took off at the Beijing Summit in November 2006, a historic moment in China–Africa relations. Forty-eight African delegations, including 44 heads of state and government, gathered at the Chinese presidential palace to greet President Hu Jintao. Even at African Union summits, it is rare to see so many African leaders assembled for a single meeting. China’s offer was clearly highly attractive.

Rising global demand for energy has encouraged China to turn to Africa as a major oil supplier. At the same time, Africa has become an important market for comparatively inexpensive Chinese manufactured goods.

A Challenge for Peace and Security in Africa

Armed violence is one of the greatest threats to Africa’s development. The continent continues to face territorial disputes, ethnically driven armed conflicts, civil wars, political violence, and the collapse of governments and states.

Over the past 40 years, Africa has experienced at least 30 major conflicts. These have claimed the lives of seven million people and displaced more than 20 million. In a report published in October 2007, the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA), Oxfam, and Saferworld estimated the economic cost of armed conflict to Africa’s development. Their findings showed that Algeria, Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Republic of the Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, and Uganda had collectively lost approximately $300 billion since 1990.

Yet an estimated 95 per cent of the weapons used in these conflicts come from outside the continent, many of them originating in China or bearing the label “Made in China.” Reports further suggest that most of these weapons are initially sold to African governments but may eventually fall into the hands of other armed actors.

China’s adherence to the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other states creates serious challenges for governance, peace, and security in Africa. Supporting authoritarian and undemocratic regimes that terrorise their citizens to remain in power does not serve a continent that has struggled for decades to overcome conflict and repression.

China’s Negative Influence on the Situation in Darfur

China did not cause the conflict in Darfur. However, Chinese oil investments in Sudan have undermined international efforts to resolve the crisis. China has served as Sudan’s principal international patron and has played a central role in the ruling National Congress Party’s foreign relations, particularly regarding international intervention in Darfur. Without Chinese support, the Sudanese government would have found it more difficult to pursue its strategy.

For much of the crisis, China played a largely negative role. It repeatedly obstructed meaningful UN Security Council action and shielded the Sudanese government from international pressure. Numerous reports have also identified China as a major supplier of military equipment to Sudan and linked it to the establishment of arms factories in the country. In response, Darfur rebel groups have targeted Chinese oil interests.

At the same time, China’s enormous economic leverage over the Sudanese government means that it could become a crucial catalyst for change if encouraged to play a more constructive role. China is Sudan’s largest bilateral trading partner and purchases up to 71 per cent of its exports. Although Beijing continues to support the Sudanese government, stronger diplomatic engagement and a more critical posture toward the regime could contribute to peace.

More broadly, China’s relationships with some African governments reinforce authoritarian rule and provide political and economic lifelines to regimes that hold their citizens hostage. This undermines Africa’s efforts to build democratic institutions and accountable states.

Zimbabwe provides another example. President Robert Mugabe has repeatedly stated that he prefers a strong relationship with China because, unlike Western countries, China does not attach political conditions to its investment or development assistance. Yet Mugabe, who has been in power for 28 years, is widely regarded as one of the region’s most repressive leaders.

Pang Zhongying, Professor of International Studies and Director of the Institute of Global Studies at Nankai University, observed that Chinese nationals were increasingly being taken hostage in southern Nigeria and that demonstrators were protesting during visits by Chinese leaders, much as earlier generations had protested against American influence.

From Non-Interference to Non-Indifference

The establishment of the African Union (AU) in 2002 reflected a new recognition that the continent needed a political framework and legal instruments based on the principle of non-indifference. Both the Constitutive Act of the African Union and the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council provide a basis for collective action when civilians face grave and widespread crimes.

This marked a significant departure from the approach of the AU’s predecessor, the Organization of African Unity. The AU’s founders recognised the Union’s right to intervene in the internal affairs of a member state to protect human rights and constitutional order. Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act grants the AU the right to intervene, pursuant to a decision of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, in cases of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity.

To give effect to this shift, the AU established an institutional framework designed to sustain the necessary political will. This led to the development of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), which recognises the importance of anticipating and preventing conflict while providing mechanisms to respond effectively when conflict occurs. Its principal components include the Peace and Security Council, the Continental Early Warning System, the Panel of the Wise, the African Standby Force, and the AU Policy on Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development.

In September 2005, world leaders gathered at the UN General Assembly also made a historic commitment to their collective responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. They affirmed a willingness to act when a national government, which bears the primary responsibility for protecting its population, manifestly fails to do so.

These developments, combined with pressure from the international community and civil society, appear to have influenced China’s thinking and conduct in Africa.

Positive Signs from China

Under growing international and civil society pressure, Beijing is learning that separating business from politics is easier said than done. Over the past two years, China’s language and engagement on Darfur have begun to change, suggesting that Beijing wants to be regarded as a constructive actor in efforts to resolve the crisis.

After years of obstructing UN Security Council action, China supported Resolution 1769, which authorised the deployment of the African Union–United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). Beijing also invested considerable diplomatic effort in persuading Sudan to accept the mission.

The appointment of Liu Guijin as China’s first special envoy for African affairs in the summer of 2007 provided another indication that Beijing wanted to demonstrate greater engagement. Although the envoy has maintained a low profile and has preferred quiet, behind-the-scenes diplomacy, his appointment created a potential channel through which pressure could be placed on Khartoum. It also allowed China to pursue its interests through more active diplomacy and participation in multilateral discussions on Darfur.

At the January 2008 AU Summit, the Chinese delegation issued an unprecedented public warning to the Sudanese government that the world was “running out of patience” over Darfur. Earlier, in February 2007, China’s ambassador to Sudan, Wang Guangya, reportedly said that President Hu Jintao had delivered a clear message to Sudan: Kofi Annan’s proposal was sound and Khartoum should accept it.

China has also increased humanitarian assistance to Sudan, including support for the construction of 120 schools and hospitals. At approximately $10 million, however, this assistance remains modest compared with China’s economic interests in the country. Chinese companies are also constructing an 85-kilometre water project in South Darfur, while 315 Chinese engineers were deployed to Darfur in October 2007 to support UNAMID.

The Way Forward

Despite this progress, China could do considerably more. As one of Africa’s most important economic and diplomatic partners, China should be encouraged to:

  • Promote peace and stability in Africa as essential foundations for sustainable economic cooperation.
  • Play a more constructive role in the UN Security Council.
  • Sustain diplomatic pressure on the Sudanese government and Darfur’s rebel groups to cease hostilities and reach a political settlement.
  • End arms sales to the Sudanese government. China has exported military helicopters to Sudan and other countries, and documented cases indicate that helicopters have been used to kill civilians in Sudan’s conflicts.
  • Press for the full and unhindered deployment and effective operation of UNAMID.
  • Contribute additional funding, military and police assets, and personnel to UNAMID. Greater Chinese involvement could significantly strengthen the mission’s ability to protect civilians.
  • Urge the Sudanese government to stop supporting actors who destabilise Sudan and Chad or exacerbate the regional crisis.
  • Increase its financial contribution to the African Union’s Peace and Security Architecture.

Bibliography

  • Downs, Erica S. “The Fact and Fiction of Sino-African Energy Relations.” China Security, vol. 3, no. 3, Summer 2007.
  • Taylor, Darren. “Analysts Explain the Significance of the Evolving Relationship Between China and Africa.” Voice of America, 3 May 2007.
  • Said Djinnit, AU Commissioner for Peace and Security. Speech on the responsibility to protect, Addis Ababa, 8 June 2007.
  • Mugumya, Geoffrey, AU Director for Peace and Security. Speech on the responsibility to protect, Addis Ababa, 8 June 2007.

About the Author

Désiré Assogbavi, a Pan African Senior Policy Analyst was, at the time of writing, the Director of Oxfam International Liaison Office to the African Union.

The opinions expressed in this article are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of his organisation.